Proceso, October 23, 2014
Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas. – Once again, parishioners of Simojovel who are members of the Believing People organization denounced that, like in Iguala, Guerrero, their municipality is governed by corruption and that behind the refusal by Mayor Javier Hernández Guzmán to close the bars of the municipality, there are big interests, such as drug trafficking.
In a communiqué, the Tsotsil Indians denounced that recently not only has the number of bars increased, but also the sale and purchase of drugs, prostitution and the death toll from alcohol.
Members of the Believing People, attending the parish church of St. Anthony of Padua, led by Father Marcelo Pérez Pérez, said that they are living in a critical stage due to the abandonment of Simojovel, which is internationally recognized by the mining industry for its amber, which is marketed inside the country and even exported to other countries.
They denounced the growing insecurity in this municipality in the highlands of Chiapas, which has generated a wave of violence, murders, thefts from roads and houses, and assaults on the streets, plus you constantly hear at night bursts of gunshots in different neighbourhoods.
They also expressed concern about the appalling condition of the road from Puerto Caté to Simojovel. “Here in Simojovel, our sick die before their time because of the inhumane conditions at the health centre,” they said.
And they explained that through pilgrimages, most recently on Saturday 18th, they have demanded that the local, state and federal authorities look at what is happening in Simojovel to enable peace among its inhabitants who are experiencing days of anguish.
“The response from the municipal authority, headed by Javier Guzman Hernandez, is that they are not responsible for this matter, and have no authority to close the bars. Then we discovered his complicity and that of the other authorities. Mrs Cleopatra Flores del Carpio, coordinator of the bartenders, said that the bars will not be closed because they give money to the municipal president, the municipal prosecutor Juvenal Cabrera Torres, and the health officer of Pichucalco, so that they can continue to operate.”
They added: “Behind the bars are other much larger interests. The authorities do not close the bars because they are where most drugs are sold. With this we discover that the authorities are complicit with those who sell drugs. We discover that we are governed by a network of corruption.”
According to the protesters, even the priest has fallen victim to the local authorities and the power groups in this municipality.
Guerrero and Narco-Politics
By: Luis Hernández Navarro
A two metre long narco-banner was found in the early hours of October 16. It appeared on the rear fence of secondary school number 3 in Iguala, Guerrero, less than one kilometre from the 27th infantry battalion. On it, in a message written with letters printed in red and black paint, El Choky asks President Peña Nieto for justice. He denounces, with (first) names, last names and pseudonyms, those responsible for the murder and disappearance of the Ayotzinapa students.
The state’s attorney general, Iñaky Blanco, recently pointed to El Choky as chief of the Guerreros Unidos (Warriors United) gunmen, and the one responsible for ordering the massacre and disappearance of the youths last September 26, after the attack on them from police and gunmen.
The list of those associated with the criminal group and denounced in the banner is long: eight mayors, directors of Public Security, the Secretary of Agrarian, Territorial and Urban Development’s delegate and different personages. According to the denouncer, “they are the ones who the government allows to walk around free and committing so much crime against the population.” Finally it clarifies: “I don’t have all the blame.” He signs: “Sincerely: Choky.”
The criminal climate denounced in the narco-message is not exclusive to Iguala and to seven municipal presidencies of Tierra Caliente. The kind of relationship between Mayor José Luis Abarca, his local police and organized crime, uncovered with the massacre of last September 26, is present in many Guerrero municipal governments. We’re dealing with a relationship that also involves important local politicians, state and federal legislators, party leaders, police chiefs and military commanders. Thus, we are able to characterize the existing political regime in the state as a narco-state.
Denunciations like El Choky’s run from mouth to mouth among Guerrerans. Business leaders, social leaders and journalists have documented this nexus. Part of the local and national press has published it. In some cases, like in Iguala with the assassination of the Popular Union’s three leaders, formal accusations have even been presented to the relevant authorities. Everything has been in vain.
Those who have warned of the extent and depth of the narco-politics in the state have been eliminated and threatened. When the businessman Pioquinto Damián Huato, the leader of the Canaco in Chilpancigo, accused Mario Moreno, the city’s mayor, of having ties with the criminal group (called) Los Rojos, he was the victim of an attack in which his daughter-in-law died and his son was injured.
The politicians pointed to have invariably denied the accusations and have explained them as the result of political quarrels, or that they are not responsible for the behaviour of their friends or relatives. They have said that the authorities ought to investigate them and that they are in the most willing to clarify things. But nothing has been done. The pact of impunity that protects the political class has acted together time after time.
According to Bishop Raúl Vera, who headed the Diocese of Ciudad Altamirano  between 1988 and 1995, impunity is the most lacerating characteristic of Guerrero and its most important challenge. Its extent and persistence –he points out– encourages crime and the violation of human rights and dignity.
But the violence is not only an issue of disputes between political-criminal groups for production centres, routes and plazas. It is also the result of the decision of the behind-the-scenes powers to get rid of opposition social leaders and to offer protection from (State) power to those who liquidate or disappear them.
The victims of forced disappearance and extrajudicial executions during the government of Ángel Aguirre are many. The correlation of murders and the detained-disappeared during his administration is enormous.
Among many others, the ecologists Eva Alarcón Ortiz and Marcial Bautista Valle; the students Jorge Alexis Herrera and Gabriel Echeverría; the leaders of the Emiliano Zapata Revolutionary Agrarian League of the South, Raymundo Velázquez and Samuel Vargas; the environmentalist Juventina Villa and his son Reynaldo Santana; the Iguala council member, Justino Carbajal; members of the Popular Union Arturo Hernández, Rafael Banderas and Ángel Román; Rocío Mesino, who was the face of the Campesino Organization of the Southern Sierra; campesinos Juan Lucena and José Luis Sotelo, promoters of a self-defence group in Atoyac; the campesino organizers José Luis Olivares Enríquez and Ana Lilia Gatica Rómulo all make up part of it.
The narco-politics is not an issue exclusive to the old PRI. Members of various currents within the PRD have been pointed out as part of it. A member of the New Left [current] and president of the state Congress, Bernardo Ortega, has repeatedly been pointed to as the boss of the Los Ardillos group. His father was in prison for the murder of two AFI agents and was executed on being released.
Servando Gómez, La Tuta, revealed in a video that Crescencio Reyes Torres, brother of Carlos, state leader of the Aztec Sun [meaning the PRD] and part of Grupo Guerrero , led by David Jimenez, is one of the principal “owners” of laboratories for the manufacture of synthetic drugs, allied with the Jalisco Nueva Generación Cartel.
At the same time, Governor Aguirre has repeatedly been linked with the Independiente de Acapulco Cartel. It is said that its leader, Víctor Aguirre, is the governor’s cousin. Of course, the governor, as well as the rest of those accused, have emphatically rejected the links with criminal groups.
Despite the multitude of denunciations against mayors and state officials, arrests have been scarce. Feliciano Álvarez Mesino, mayor of Cuetzala del Progreso, was arrested for kidnapping and organized crime. He was freed from blame as part of Grupo Guerrero. The official PRI mayor of Chilapa, Vicente Jiménez Aranda, was put in prison for kidnapping.
The murder and forced disappearance of the Ayotzinapa students has uncovered the sewer of Guerreran narco-politics. It remains to be seen whether they can put the lid back on.
 Ciudad Altamirano is a large city on the Guerrero side of the border with the state of Michoacán.
 Grupo Guerrero is a current, or faction, within the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) in the state of Guerrero.
Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Translation: Chiapas Support Committee
Tuesday, October 21, 2014
October 23, 2014, at Piccadilly Gardens, Manchester Centre, United Kingdom. A group of 25 people met. We as Mexicans and non-Mexicans, students and non- students, demand justice for our comrades abducted by the Mexican state.
We cried out each name of the 43 missing comrades and we demanded their appearance was imposed in life. Then we took a Solidarity photograph as a sign of our indignation, worthy rage and solidarity with the families and friends of the missing, the murdered, the comrade in a coma and those injured.
From Manchester, UK, We send Solidarity greeting to Ayotzinapa students, also to all normalistas and teachers part of CNTE.
The event was organized by Colectivo Zapatista Manchester, Armadillo Productions in collaboration with students and people shocked for this situation.
Photographs: Manchester Zapatista Collective and Armadillo Productions.
Indigenous from the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) joined the Global Day of Action for Ayotzinapa, and in each of their communities, roads and in their homes, lit candles and marched with banners, to demand the appearance alive of the 43 students from the Isidro Burgos Rural Normal school in Ayotzinapa, who have been forcibly disappeared since last September 26.
This is the second manifestation by the guerrilla group, who also demanded the unconditional release of the jailed leaders of the Yaqui, Mario Luna Romero and Fernando Jiménez Gutiérrez. “Although small, our light is a way to embrace today those who are needed and whose absence hurts,” they said.
October 23, 2014
Research conducted collectively by Koman Ilel, Kolectivo Zero, Radio Ñomdaa and Más de 131.
Polhó, Chiapas. With candles, in silence, men, children and women of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) mobilized again for the students, families and teachers of the rural Raúl Isidro Burgos normal school in Ayotzinapa.
As they said in the communiqué released on 19 October, they were “illuminating” the paths, standing on the hillsides in communities in the five regions in which the Zapatistas caracoles are located.
When travelling the roads of the region of Los Altos, groups of at least hundred people could be seen in Oventic, Polhó, Acteal and Yabteclum.
“Presentation alive of the 43 missing students, punishment of those responsible for the killings and the enforced disappearances,” read one of the banners raised in front of the church at Polhó.
“We support the students, teachers and relatives of the Raúl Isidro Burgos normal school in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, Mexico,” read another banner.
In addition, the Zapatistas also demanded the “unconditional release” of Mario Luna and Fernando Jiménez, indigenous Yaqui prisoners in Sonora opposed to the operation of the Independence Aqueduct, who were arrested in September.
In the communiqué of August 19, signed by Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés, the Zapatistas said:
“Although small, our light will be a way to embrace those who are missing today and whose absence hurts. Let this light show that we are not alone in the pain and anger which is seen in the lands of the Mexico of below.”
“The rich man dreams of extinguishing the first light. It is useless, now there are many lights and they are all the first” says the Fourth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, issued by the EZLN in 1996.
The Zapatista mobilisation was carried out at the same time, responding to the call of thousands of people who demonstrated in Mexico. From the Federal District panoramic pictures showed a huge slogan in white painted on the ground of the plaza of the Zocalo saying: “It was the state.”
Members of the Indigenous National Congress read a declaration in the Zocalo, which was also signed by the EZLN, warning that they will continue mobilizing until the students of the normal school are found and the Yaqui Indians are freed. They branded the Mexican government as a “Narco State” and accused them of using “terrorism” against the population.
Also in San Cristobal de las Casas eight thousand people with candles mobilized demanding the safe return of the normal school students.
Meanwhile, Las Abejas de Acteal, Tsotsil indigenous adherents to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, mobilized and issued a communiqué on 22nd October in which they compared the disappearance of the normal school students and the massacre of October 2nd, 1968, with the death of the children from the ABC nursery and the massacre of 45 people who lived among them on December 22, 1997, during the presidency of Ernesto Zedillo.
“We know the pain, we have lived it,” their communiqué says, “we say again, with all respect, that today more than ever, we will not allow any more deaths, more massacres, more disappeared people in our Mexico.”
Some activists have asked us for background information about the massacre of the students from Ayotzinapa School in the city of Iguala in Guerrero, Mexico. There is not much information circulating in English, so here is more in case you want to know:
The Ayotzinapa School is an iconic school for elementary rural teachers (that’s what the word “normalista” means, because they are teachers of “escuela normal” which means “elementary school”). So when we say “students,” that is what they are, but they are studying to be teachers. They are mostly indigenous people and peasants. The school is located in the heart of the mountains (the Sierra), in a very, very, very poor rural area. It is iconic because it is where two important teachers in the 60s and the 70s started a guerrilla movement that truly challenged the system. These important guerrilla leaders were Genaro Vázquez and Lucio Cabañas. They were both teachers, and they first organized non-violent civil rights groups demanding social justice, but they became guerrilla leaders because they found out that there is absolutely no way for people to learn how to read and count numbers if they cannot eat, and Guerrero is a very poor state where people literally starve to death while rich tourists in Acapulco and Iztapa celebrate Film Festivals and Book Fairs. (This is not a metaphor: there was a film festival with James Stewart in Acapulco in the 60s while the guerrilleros were killed in the Sierra and now the Governor of Guerrero wanted to go on with his International Book Fair after the massacre of the students). The governors of Guerrero have been always tyrants linked to anti-guerrilla death squads, the Government counter-insurgency “dirty war” and organized crime. Sadly, this is not the first massacre either (Aguas Blancas 1995). What makes it different is that the Governor of Guerrero and the Mayor of the Iguala City were “selected” by the former Mayor of Mexico City, AMLO, the same man who hired Rudolph Giuliani in Mexico City to apply his “Zero Tolerance” plan against crime, and is considered to be a “leftist” and “the hope for the future”. So as you can see, under a capitalist system, these “leftist” leaders who decide to be part of the problem are never part of the solution.
The school has a high level of demand each year, with about 600 people applying, but it only has seats for 140 new students each year because the Government has been always willing to close it. It does not close it because it cannot, since the school has a lot of support from the communities.
Which explains part of what happened: the students were preparing a rally for October 2, the anniversary of another student massacre (1968), and they were planning to boycott the Mayor’s wife ceremony (her annual report as head of some activities first ladies are assigned to in Mexico, but in this case the wife is also involved in the organized crime). With the permission of the bus drivers, they “borrowed” two buses which they were going to bring back later, as they usually did. This is indeed illegal, but it was also customary and a non-violent action which does not justify what happened next.
The Mayor got angry when he learnrd that they were going to protest at his wife’s official ceremony and ordered the Chief of Police to “take care of them”. The police department of that city is so involved in organized crime, that they shot some of them without even arresting them (according to the testimony of two students who survived), then they arrested the rest and handed them to the drug-smuggler assassins to torture and murder them. One of them was flayed. The others were tortured. There are non-confirmed testimonies that the rest of the students were also tortured and their bodies burned.
The search for their bodies has also uncovered the existence of many mass graves. Iguala City, where the massacre occurred, is a bridge city for drug smugglers, the main cartel there being named “Guerreros Unidos” (“United Warriors”). All kinds of drugs are sent from there mainly to Acapulco Harbour, but also to other harbours. It is also an area of poppy cultivation.
The Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity, which conducted the caravan of victims of organized crime, led by poet Javier Sicilia (who came here visiting OWS and actually had an action in HSBC Bank), proposes to end organized crime by legalizing drugs. They say it is the only way to stop that spiral of violence, but their proposal is highly criticized by corporate media, because it challenges the capitalist system.
The Zapatista communities joined the international protest this past October 22 lighting “a candle of dignity for Ayotzinapa” and here is their statement in English: http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2014/10/23/joint-declaration-from-the-national-indigenous-congress-and-the-ezln-on-the-crime-in-ayotzinapa-and-for-the-liberation-of-the-yaqui-leaders/
We will continue protesting here in New York this Sunday in Union Square at 3:00 pm and then we will decide what’s next regarding Ayotzinapa and also future actions in NYC against the construction of an airport in Atenco.
OCCUPY WALL ST ZAPATISTA
(Background information from Malú, a Mexican writer who has been supporting the Zapatista movement for 20 years and has been supporting the Occupy movement since September 2011.)
(NOTA: este texto fue leído por miembros del Congreso Nacional Indígena en alguna de las movilizaciones que se realizaron en México el 22 de octubre del 2014, y no, como reportó la prensa de paga, por representantes del EZLN).
México, al 22 de octubre del 2014.
A los estudiantes de la Normal Rural Isidro Burgos, de Ayotzinapa, Guerrero
A la Tribu Yaqui
A la Sexta Nacional e Internacional
A los pueblos del mundo
PORQUE ES CON RABIA Y REBELDÍA,
Y NO CON RESIGNACIÓN Y CONFORMISMO,
COMO ABAJO NOS DOLEMOS.
EZLN. 19 de octubre de 2014
Desde los pueblos que somos en nuestras luchas de resistencia y rebeldía, enviamos nuestra palabra espejo de esa parte de este país que nos nombramos el Congreso Nacional Indígena, reunidos porque el dolor y la rabia nos llaman por que nos duelen.
La desaparición de los 43 compañeros estudiantes de la Normal Rural Isidro Burgos de Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, secuestrados- desaparecidos por los Malos Gobiernos, imponen una penumbra de luto, de zozobra y de rabia. La esperanza por la aparición de los compañeros es el dolor que nos une y es la rabia que se hace la luz de la veladora que se moviliza por todo el país llevando un grito de dignidad y de rebeldía en el México de Abajo.
Sabemos que mientras los criminales gobiernan este país encabezados por el jefe supremo de los paramilitares Enrique Peña Nieto, los que forjan la consciencia ejerciendo y defendiendo la educación son asesinados y desaparecidos y los que defienden el agua para un pueblo heroico y milenario como es la Tribu Yaqui están en la cárcel.
El gobierno mexicano ha pretendido minimizar la criminal represión hacia los compañeros normalistas como si fueran víctimas más de la delincuencia, como lo ha hecho una y otra vez a lo largo del país. Unas cuantas muertes más para los medios de comunicación, pero los pueblos que hemos sufrido la represión de múltiples formas sabemos que los delincuentes están en todos los partidos políticos, en las cámaras de diputados y senadores, en presidencias municipales, en palacios de gobierno.
A los pueblos originarios nos duele Ayotzinapa, los 43 compañeros normalistas siguen desparecidos y el Estado hace como que no sabe donde están, como si no hubiera sido el Estado quien se los llevó, pretenden desaparecer la consciencia y hoy los desaparecidos están presentes en el pensamiento de este país, en la mirada atenta y el corazón de los que somos el Congreso Nacional indígena.
En este país hay peligrosas mafias y se hacen llamar Estado Mexicano, para ellos estorbamos los que somos los pueblos que luchan, los que no hemos tenido rostro y para que nos quede claro nos lo arrancan, los que somos los nadie, los que vemos y sentimos la violencia, los que sufrimos los ataques múltiples y simultáneos, los que sabemos que en este país pasa algo malo, muy malo, se llama guerra y es contra todos. Una guerra que abajo se ve y se sufre en su totalidad.
Hoy reiteramos que mientras no aparezcan con vida nuestros compañeros normalistas de Ayotzinapa y en el estado de Sonora, nuestros hermanos Mario Luna Romero y Fernando Jiménez se encuentren presos por defender el agua sagrada del río Yaqui, mientras estén secuestrados por los malos gobiernos seguiremos respondiendo en consecuencia.
Como en Guerrero, la represión en contra de los pueblos, el saqueo de recursos naturales, la destrucción de los territorios, son operados en todo el país por el Narco Estado sin escrúpulos y que usa el terrorismo para fabricar dolor y miedo es su manera de gobernar.
Ese dolor y rabia se han convertido en dignidad y rebeldía en contra de la guerra de exterminio, pues lo contrario es esperar la muerte, el despojo y más dolor y más rabia.
¡Exigimos la presentación con vida de los 43 normalistas desaparecidos y el desmantelamiento de toda la estructura de Estado que sostiene al crimen organizado!
¡Exigimos la inmediata liberación de los compañeros Mario Luna y Fernando Jiménez!
¡Su dolor es el nuestro, su rabia es la nuestra!
A 22 de octubre de 2014
Nunca Más un México sin Nosotros
Congreso Nacional Indígena
Comité Clandestino Revolucionario Indígena- Comandancia General del
Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional
Municipio Autónomo Rebelde Zapatisa San Pedro Polho, Chiapas, 22 de octubre. Reporte colectivo por Koman Ilel, Colectivo Zero, Radio Ñomdaa y Masde131.
Con velas, en silencio, hombres, niños y mujeres del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) se volvieron a movilizar por los alumnos y las familias de la normal rural Raúl Isidiro Burgos de Ayotzinapa.
Tal como lo dijeron en el comunicado difundido el día 19 de octubre, aparecieron “iluminando” los caminos, parados en las laderas de comunidades en las cinco regiones en las que se ubican los caracoles zapatistas.
Al recorrer los caminos de la región de los altos, se podían observar grupos de al menos cien personas en distintos puntos como Oventik, Polhó, Acteal y Yabteclum, tomando parte de las movilizaciones que los zapatistas hacían en sus cinco diferentes zonas.
“Presentación con vida de los 43 alumn@s desaparecidos y castigos a los responsables de los asesinatos y la desaparición forzadas” versaba una de las pancartas levantada frente a la iglesia de Polho.
“Apoyamos a los alumnos y alumnas y maestros y familiares de la normal Raúl Isidro Burgos de Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, México”, decía otra pancarta.
Además, las y los zapatistas exigieron también “libertad incondicional” para Mario Luna y Fernando Jiménez, indígenas yaquis presos en Sonora, quienes se oponen a la operación del Acueducto Independencia y fueron detenidos en el mes de septiembre.
A lo largo de los caminos la gente los miraba con curiosidad. En el comunicado del 19 de agosto, firmado por el subcomandante insurgente Moisés, las y los zapatistas habían dicho:
“Aunque pequeña, nuestra luz será una forma de abrazar a quienes hoy hacen falta y a quienes su ausencia duele. Que esa luz muestre que no estamos solos en el dolor y la rabia que visten los suelos del México de abajo”
“Sueña el rico con apagar la luz primera. Es inútil, hay ya muchas luces y todas son primeras” decía la Cuarta Declaración de la Selva Lacandona publicada por el EZLN en 1996.
La movilización zapatista se dio a la misma hora y respondiendo a la convocatoria de miles de personas que se manifestaron en México. Desde el zócalo del Distrito Federal las fotos panorámicas mostraron una enorme leyenda en blanco pintada en la plancha de la plaza que decía: “Fue el Estado”. En estas movilizaciones, algunos integrantes del CNI leyeron una declaración conjunta del CNI-EZLN sobre el crimen de Ayotzinapa y por la libertad de los líderes yaquis.
Igualmente en San Cristóbal de las Casas ocho mil personas se movilizaron con velas exigiendo la presentación con vida de los normalistas.
Ver reportaje completo con fotos y videos: http://komanilel.org/2014/10/23/zapatistas-iluminan-caminos-de-chiapas-por-ayotzinapa/