Dans le cadre de la soirée "Chili – Mexique : Solidarité avec les Peuples en résistance" organisée par l’Association Terre et Liberté pour Arauco, notre groupe Les Trois Passants (Libérons-Les!) présentera le court métrage "MEXIQUE, 1er DÉCEMBRE 2012". La vidéo nous donne un aperçu assez clair de la répression par l’État mexicain de la mobilisation populaire contre l’investiture présidentielle d’Enrique Peña Nieto. Nous vous invitons à cette soirée de solidarité. Le produit de la vente d’empanadas sera envoyé à notre compagnon Francisco Kuykendall Leal “Kuy” qui a été gravement blessé par la police lors de la répression du 1er décembre et lutte actuellement pour sa vie.
Venez nombreux et nombreuses !
EN SOLIDARITÉ AVEC DES PEUPLES EN RÉSISTANCE AU CHILI ET AU MEXIQUE TERRE ET LIBERTÉ POUR ARAUCO VOUS INVITE À UNE SOIRÉE DE PROJECTIONS
MERCREDI 29 MAI À PARTIR DE 19 HEURES
AU CENTRE CULTUREL – CINEMA LA CLEF
21 RUE DE LA CLEF 75005 PARIS
(Mo Censier Daubenton)
20h – 21 h30
CAIMANES : LES EAUX VOLEES (AGUAS ROBADAS)
Chili, 2013, 60’,
Film produit et réalisé par Elif Karakartal et Alfonso Ossandon, à partir d’un projet collectif du Comité de Défense Personnel de Caimanes, avec le soutien de la Municipalité de Los Vilos.
La résistance des habitants du petit village de Caimanes – situé à 200 km au nord de Santiago du Chili, en amont duquel une puissante entreprise minière a fait construire le plus grand bassin de déchets miniers d’Amérique Latine qui a asséché ses cours d’eau et pollué son réseau d’eau potable. Treize années de lutte face à l’incommensurable pouvoir économique et à la complicité des autorités locales et gouvernementales. Mémoire historique de quelques épisodes clefs de cette lutte non violente, ponctuée des réflexions actuelles des habitants de Caimanes et des commentaires sur le vif de quelques communicants qui les ont soutenus.
Débat en présence de la réalisatrice Elif Karakartal.
21h 30 – 22h 30
MEXIQUE, 1er DÉCEMBRE 2012, vidéo de 30’ réalisée par Emergencia MX, présentée par le groupe de solidarité Les Trois Passants (Libérons-Les !).
1er décembre 2012, le pouvoir mexicain réprime la mobilisation populaire contre l’investiture présidentielle d’Enrique Peña Nieto. Bilan de la répression : 90 détenu-e-s, de nombreux blessé-e-s et un adhérent à la Sexta porté disparu. La projection est dédiée aux inculpés du 1er décembre et à notre compagnon adhérent à la Sexta zapatiste, Francisco Kuykendall Leal, blessé à la tête par une grenade lacrymogène lancée par la Police Fédérale Préventive et actuellement à l’hôpital, dans un état toujours critique. Dans ce contexte de criminalisation, l’État a déclenché une véritable chasse contre les militants sociaux, les mouvements politiques, les étudiants, les professeurs et les groupes anarchistes. Cependant la résistance continue sa route ainsi que la solidarité et l’organisation.
Débat avec le groupe de solidarité des Trois Passants.
• Expositions sur les thèmes des films projetés
• Stands d’information.
•Ventes de poleras et bijoux mapuche et CD du
groupe Wechekeche de jeunes musiciens mapuche urbains.
• Buffet latino et végétarien
• Participation aux frais : 5 €
Le 1er décembre 2012 à 4 heures du matin, alors que la mobilisation contre l’investiture-imposition présidentielle d’Enrique Peña Nieto avait commencé, les forces de l’ordre ont réprimé de façon brutale les manifestants et manifestantes qui avec rage et dignité, étaient sorti-e-s dans la rue pour faire entendre leur colère contre un système qui prend uniquement en compte ses propres intérêts sans se soucier du reste.
Enrique Peña Nieto est le reflet et la synthèse parfaite du Parti Révolutionnaire Institutionnel, organisation responsable depuis presque 100 ans de tous types de massacres et d’abus : assassinat de plus de 200 étudiants à Tlatelolco en 1968, de 45 indigènes à Acteal en 1997, répression des 3 et 4 mai 2006 lors de laquelle le terrorisme d’État a balayé Texcoco et Atenco (sous le mandat local du même Enrique Peña Nieto, gouverneur de l’État de Mexico à cette époque), réforme de l’article 27 de la Constitution pour privatiser les terres communales, signature du TLC avec les terribles conséquences économiques et humaines engendrées, attaques perpétrées contre les Bases d’Appui Zapatistes non seulement par le PRI et ses raccourcis du PRD, PVEM mais aussi par le PAN… La liste d’abus est longue. Aujourd’hui, Enrique Peña Nieto rend hommage à tout cet arbitraire.
Les évènements du premier décembre confirment une fois de plus la brutalité policière et la répression qui caractérise l’État Mexicain, reprises et élargies par Peña Nieto, mais aussi par le maire de la ville de Mexico Marcelo Ebrard, connu aussi pour sa répression et sa persécution des mouvements sociaux, des étudiants, des compagnons militants de la Sexta de l’EZLN et des compagnons anarchistes.
Depuis cette répression, le compagnon adhérent à la Sexta zapatiste, Francisco Kuykendall Leal, se trouve dans un état grave. Il souffre d’un traumatisme crânio-encéphalique qui l’a pratiquement laissé paralysé.
Outre son militantisme, Kuykendall a une passion particulière pour le théâtre ; il est directeur, producteur et acteur. Tous ceux et celles qui le connaissent l’appellent « Kuy ». Le théâtre est pour lui un outil pour transmettre les différentes réalités, les luttes, les douleurs, les résistances ; ainsi il s’en sert pour mener la lutte, pour sensibiliser et faire passer un message. Ce 1er décembre, Kuy n’est pas rentré chez lui comme il avait l’habitude de le faire, ni vu ses compagnons de lutte comme d’habitude. Il s’est retrouvé dans un lit d’hôpital. Il résiste toujours, il s’accroche, comme d’habitude… car il a l’habitude de se battre.
Dans ce même contexte, Teodulfo Torres Soriano, adhérent à la Sexta zapatiste, a été porté disparu depuis le mois de mars. Ses compagnons et sa famille ont commencé une campagne de diffusion pour l’apparition en vie de Teodulfo et lancé un appel à la solidarité. Il faut souligner que le compagnon est un témoin fondamental de la répression exercée par la police sur les manifestants du 1er décembre. Non seulement il était présent lors des faits mais il a enregistré en vidéo l’agression subie par Kuykendall. Par sa condition de témoin oculaire, Teodulfo était obligé de s’exprimer sur les faits et les arrestations arbitraires qui ont eu lieu ce jour-là. Il devait rendre son témoignage le 27 mars 2013. Cependant il n’a jamais assisté au rendez-vous prévu pour le 27 mars, et c’est à partir de ce moment précis qu’il est porté disparu
Cette criminalisation des mouvements sociaux, des défenseurs de droits humains, des mouvements d’étudiants et de professeurs, bref de tous ceux et celles qui s’organisent, se solidarisent, résistent aux politiques capitalistes et se battent pour la construction d’un autre monde, s’est accélérée depuis le 1er décembre 2012, lors de la mobilisation contre l’imposition présidentielle d’Enrique Peña Nieto.
Nous n’oublions pas !
Tiens bon, compa Kuy !
Apparition en vie de Teodulfo Torres Soriano !
Solidarité avec tous et toutes les inculpé-es du 1er décembre !
Israel and Mexico swap notes on abusing rights
Jimmy Johnson and Linda Quiquivix The Electronic Intifada
21 May 2013
Mexico has gone public about military coordination with Israel in Chiapas, home to the Zapatistas liberation movement.
Earlier this month, Jorge Luis Llaven Abarca, Mexico’s newly-appointed secretary of public security in Chiapas, announced that discussions had taken place between his office and the Israeli defense ministry. The two countries talked about security coordination at the level of police, prisons and effective use of technology (“Israeli military will train Chiapas police,” Excelsior, 8 May [Spanish]).
Chiapas is home to the Zapatistas (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional), a mostly indigenous Maya liberation movement that has enjoyed global grassroots support since it rose up against the Mexican government in 1994. The Zapatistas took back large tracts of land on which they have since built subsistence cooperatives, autonomous schools, collectivized clinics and other democratic community structures.
In the twenty years since the uprising, the Mexican government has not ceased its counterinsurgency programs in Chiapas. When Llaven Abarca was announced as security head in December, human rights organizations voiced concerns that the violence would escalate, pointing to his history of arbitrary detentions, use of public force, criminal preventive detentions, death threats and torture (“Concern about the appointment of Jorge Luis Llaven Abarca as Secretary of Public Security in Chiapas,” Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas (Frayba) Center for Human Rights,14 December 2012 [PDF, Spanish]).
Aptly, his recent contacts with Israeli personnel were “aimed at sharing experiences,” Abarca has claimed. This may be the first time the Mexican government has gone public about military coordination with Israelis in Chiapas. Yet the agreement is only the latest in Israel’s longer history of military exports to the region, an industry spawned from experiences in the conquest and pacification of Palestine.
Weapons sales escalate
The first Zionist militias (Bar Giora and HaShomer) were formed to advance the settlement of Palestinian land. Another Zionist militia, the Haganah — the precursor to the Israeli army and the successor of HaShomer — began importing and producing arms in 1920.
Israeli firms began exporting weapons in the 1950s to Latin America, including to Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic under the Somoza and Trujillo dictatorships. Massive government investment in the arms industry followed the 1967 War and the ensuing French arms embargo. Israeli arms, police, military training and equipment have now been sent to at least 140 countries, including to Guatemala in the 1980s under Efraín Ríos Montt, the former dictator recently convicted of genocide against the Maya.
Mexico began receiving Israeli weaponry in 1973 with the sale of five Arava planes from Israel Aerospace Industries. Throughout the 1970s and ’80s, infrequent exports continued to the country in the form of small arms, mortars and electronic fences. Sales escalated in the early 2000s, according to research that we have undertaken.
In 2003, Mexico bought helicopters formerly belonging to the Israeli army and Israel Aerospace Industries’ Gabriel missiles. Another Israeli security firm, Magal Security Systems, received one of several contracts for surveillance systems “to protect sensitive installations in Mexico” that same year, The Jerusalem Post reported.
In 2004, Israel Shipyards sold missile boats, and later both Aeronautics Defense Systems and Elbit Systems won contracts from the federal police and armed forces for drones for border and domestic surveillance (“UAV maker Aeronautics to supply Mexican police,”Globes, 15 February 2009). Verint Systems, a technology firm founded by former Israeli army personnel, has won several US-sponsored contracts since 2006 for the mass wiretapping of Mexican telecommunications, according to Jane’s Defence Weekly.
Trained by Israel
According to declassified Defense Intelligence Agency documents [PDF] obtained via a freedom of information request, Israeli personnel were discreetly sent into Chiapas in response to the 1994 Zapatista uprising for the purpose of “providing training to Mexican military and police forces.”
The Mexican government also made use of the Arava aircraft to deploy its Airborne Special Forces Group (Grupo Aeromóvil de Fuerzas Especiales, or GAFE). GAFE commandos were themselves trained by Israel and the US. Several would later desert the GAFE and go on to create “Los Zetas,” currently Mexico’s most powerful and violent drug cartel (“Los Zetas and Mexico’s Transnational Drug War,” World Politics Review, 25 December 2009).
Mexico was surprised by the Zapatistas, who rose up the day the North American Free Trade Agreement went into effect. The Mexican government found itself needing to respond to the dictates of foreign investors, as a famously-leaked Chase-Manhattan Bank memo revealed: “While Chiapas, in our opinion, does not pose a fundamental threat to Mexican political stability, it is perceived to be so by many in the investment community. The government will need to eliminate the Zapatistas to demonstrate their effective control of the national territory and of security policy.”
Today, faced with a people in open rebellion against their own annihilation, the perception of stability continues to be an important modus operandi for the Mexican government. For Israel, the Oslo “peace process” and the Palestinian Authority’s neoliberal turn has similarly helped cultivate an illusory perception of peace and stability while the colonization of Palestine continues.
Indeed, “creating an atmosphere of stability” was the stated goal of the recent Mexico-Israel contacts, and the desire for at least the perception of it might help explain why an Israeli presence in Chiapas is now going public, or rather, according to journalist Naomi Klein, is being “marketed.”
Yet managing perceptions can only remain the short-term goal of governments whose shared ambition is to annihilate. And just as Israel shares with Mexico its military experiences against Palestinians, it is equally likely that Israel could apply some of Mexico’s counterinsurgency tactics to its oppression of the the Palestinian people.
The military relationship between Israel and Mexico is how the Zapatistas themselves have long recognized their connection to the Palestinian struggle.
This message was underscored by Zapatista spokesman Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos when Israel was bombing Gaza in early 2009 (“Of sowing and harvests,” 4 January 2009). Despite the distance between Chiapas and Gaza, Marcos stressed that their experiences made the people of the two territories feel close to each other.
It is worth recalling Marcos’ words: “Not far from here, in a place called Gaza, in Palestine, in the Middle East, right here next to us, the Israeli government’s heavily trained and armed military continues its march of death and destruction.”
Linda Quiquivix is a critical geographer. She can be reached at www.quiqui.org.
Jimmy Johnson is the founder of Neged Neshek, a website focused on Israel’s weapons industry. He can be reached at jimmy [at] negedneshek [dot] org.
Mining and Displacement Put Mexican Millionaires on the Forbes List
The wealth of Mexican businessmen who top the millionaires list of Forbes Magazine is based “on the theft of the nation’s commons” says Francisco Lopez Barcenas, author of the book on mining legislation in Mexico, “Mineral or Life”.
The top three men on Mexico’s list (Carlos Slim, German Larrea and Alberto Bailleres) all own mining companies. Article 27 of the constitution states that natural resources may be licensed “but it must first always be distributed as national wealth [not to three people], to further development for Mexicans and to protect them,” says Barcenas, who adds that none of these stipulations are met in the case of mining. He also explains that it affects the rights of Mexicans to water and food since mining as an industrial activity receives preferential treatment.
Mexican Entrepreneurs: Exploitation and Speculation
Carlos Salinas de Gortari, president of Mexico from 1988 to 1994, delivered public concessions to [private] Mexican mining groups, mainly Grupo Mexico (Larrea), Peñoles (of Bailleres) and Grupo Frisco (Slim, the richest man in the world), ensuring them control of much of the [country’s] mining. This was done even before he reformed Article 27 of the Constitution and issued a new mining law.
“When you change the foreign investment law, which grants complete access of foreign capital to the mines, it ensures a part to Mexican businessmen,” says Barcenas. After granting the concessions, came the Mining Law that granted exploration and exploitation permits, and allowed concession periods of nearly a hundred years. That, says Barcenas, gave way to speculation.
“Almost every project, according to miners, takes no more than 15 years to complete. Why do they want a hundred? Because the longer they have, their price will be much higher in the stock market; the business is not only to exploit the mineral, it is speculating on our national heritage” stresses the Mixtec lawyer. The Mining Law also allows joint concessions, which are of greater value in the stock market.
It is widely thought that Canadian companies do most of the mining that occurs in Mexico, however Barcenas highlights that this is not entirely true. He explains that all mining projects can be found in the Vancouver Stock Exchange. “It can be Mexican or American capital that goes to Vancouver, and after relocating it enters the speculative economy and then from there it comes to Mexico, but as Canadian capital,” he says.
The production of metals soared in Mexico in 2010; by 2011, its value exceeded 20 billion dollars and came in third place among productive sectors of Mexico, according to the Mining Chamber of Mexico (Camimex).
Another factor that enables the easy high profit gains for these mining businessmen is that they only “pay between five and 111 pesos weekly for each hectare of surface area, no matter the type of mineral or amount mined,” says the lawyer and historian. Mexico is “the only country in Latin America where entrepreneurs pay no taxes on the production and export of ore,” he added. Colombia, even with a very similar mining law, charges 30% of the value of the mineral extracted.
An illuminating comparison is the case of the Mexican state-owned Petróleos Mexicanos. “Oil is another mineral that the state has reserved for itself to exploit. If you see the amount of taxes they pay, there is no comparison with that paid for other minerals,” says Lopez Barcenas. Mexico is now the largest silver producer in the world and tenth in gold, according to the Camimex, but while much of the Mexican state revenue comes from oil, “not a dime” is contributed by other minerals, says Barcenas.
Easy Pickings for Mining in Mexico
The “Why Mexico?” section on the website of Revolution Resources – the company accused of illegally mining in the sacred territory of Wirikuta[i], indicates that in addition to pro-mining laws, Mexico is the most politically stable country in Latin America.
During the Salinas administration, the Foreign Trade Bank and the government of Canada conducted workshops on investment opportunities in Latin America, recalls Barcenas. They concluded that in addition to permissive laws in Mexico, the government was willing to change the minimum requirements in some of its [mining] laws since there were no NGOs that would fight for the environment.
Francisco Lopez Barcenas added that the assassination of mining opponents creates more favorable conditions of mining activity, noting “In [the case of] the San Xavier Mine, a mayor opposed to changing the land use law was murdered; in Chicomuselo, Chiapas, Mariano Abarca was killed; in San José del Progreso, Oaxaca, Bernardo Vazquez was killed.” The murders of Ismael Solorio and Manuelita Solis, in 2012 in Chihuahua, could also be related because they fought against the illegal drilling by the Cascabel Mining Services Company, a subsidiary of the Canadian mining company, Magsilver.
Damage and Resistance
In October 2012, Humberto Gutierrez, president of Camimex said that in Mexico there is enough gold and silver to exploit for another 500 years. The gold mined in the decade from 2000 to 2010 (419,000,097 kilograms) easily doubles the amount extracted during 300 years of Spanish colonization (191, 825 kilograms).
For Barcenas, the concern is not running out of ore but the way mining is done. “Everything is open mining, and to extract 500 years more would turn the country upside down,” he says.
Many communities who rent their lands are unaware of the harm that mining causes to the land. Current practices destroy almost all the surrounding area because the mineral is found in veins but dispersed in the ground and so requires turning up the earth’s surface to extract it.
The agrarian reform law now allows for ejidal lands to be rented out for 30 years leases–”the life of a whole generation,” says Barcenas, for very low prices. What is not made explicit is that when the mined land is returned back to the community it will often be practically useless.
For example, in Mezcala, due to protests the price for renting land was increased considerably, but the problem “is that people emigrated because they no longer had anything to do,” says Barcenas. Eventually the money ran out, and after a few years the community was completely destroyed. More than migration, says the lawyer, it was a clear case of forced displacement.
Mining activities also lead to a violation of the right to food. For the State to guarantee the right to food “planting and sowing should be a preferred activity, however, the Mining Law says that this activity [mining] takes preference above all other activities.”
It also affects the right to water. In the north, farm workers protest because the National Water Commission regulates their access to water, but does not limit use for mining.
Unlike in the late eighties, social protest has increased significantly toward mining, says Barcenas. In the past two years, resistance has increased dramatically in Mexico first, because of the environmental destruction caused by mining, and secondly because of the low prices paid by the companies for leasing land from the communities (about 1,000 pesos per hectare). More recently, indigenous peoples’ demands for cancelling mining concessions argue that they violate their right to consultation.
One form of protest “is the legal route, demanding that basic rights are met, that leases are annulled, and that concessions are canceled because they do not respect the right to consultation,” Barcenas notes. The other form is grassroots organization, with two national groups: the Mexican Network Against Mining and the National Assembly of Environmentally Affected Communities, and many regional organizations. The third form is public denouncements made by those directly affected, according to their ability, expresses the expert.
Barcenas says that to make mining somewhat acceptable, it is necessary to remove its preferential status. Concessions should be reduced to only the time needed for a project, companies should pay for the water they use and should pay fair prices for leasing a community’s land.
However, he notes that that is not the main concern. “Communities want to remain as communities and the people want to defend their right to territory,” he concludes.
Translation: Clayton Conn
Mexico – Ground Zero in the Fight for the Future of Maize
By Emilio Godoy
Native varieties of maize, like these drying in San Cristóbal de las Casas, in the southern state of Chiapas, are key to preserving crop diversity.
MEXICO CITY, May 8 2013 (IPS) - In the 2011 action-thriller “Unknown”, scientists are persecuted by the biotech industry because they plan the open release of a drought- and pest-resistant strain of maize that could help eradicate world hunger.
There are certain parallels with the situation today in Mexico, the birthplace of maize, which is at the centre of the global fight to protect the crop’s diversity from the onslaught of genetically modified varieties.
“It’s the first time in history that one of the most important harvests in the world is threatened in its centre of diversity,” Pat Mooney, the head of the Action Group on Erosion, Technology and Concentration (ETC Group), an international NGO, told IPS.
“If we let the companies win, there will be no chance to defend them in other parts. What is happening here is of key importance for the rest of the world.”
Civil society organisations are raising their guard against the possibility that the government of conservative President Enrique Peña Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) may approve commercial cultivation of transgenic maize, a move widely condemned by environmentalists and other activists, academics, and small and medium producers due to the risks it poses.
In September, the U.S. corporations Monsanto, Pioneer and Dow Agro-sciences presented six applications for commercial plantations of transgenic maize on more than two million hectares in the north-western state of Sinaloa and the north-eastern state of Tamaulipas.
Moreover, in January these companies and Syngenta presented 11 applications for pilot and experimental plots to grow transgenic corn on 622 hectares in the northern states of Chihuahua, Coahuila, Durango, Sinaloa and Baja California. And Monsanto has applied for an additional plantation in an unspecified area in the north of the country.
Since 2009, the Mexican government has issued 177 permits for experimental plots of transgenic maize covering an area of 2,664 hectares, according to the latest figures provided by the authorities.
But large-scale commercial release of GM maize has not yet been authorised.
“They are going to serve up transgenic maize on every table in spite of the fact that food sovereignty depends on growing native corn,” said Evangelina Robles, a member of Red en Defensa del Maíz (Maize Defence Network) which campaigns against GM corn. “As a result, we have to demand its prohibition by the state,” she told IPS.
Mexico produces 22 million tonnes of maize a year, and imports 10 million tonnes, according to the agriculture ministry. The country purchased about two million tonnes of GM maize from South Africa over the last two years, and is set to import another 150,000 tonnes.
Three million maize farmers cultivate about eight million hectares in Mexico, two million of which are devoted to family farming. White maize is the main crop for human consumption, while yellow maize, for animal feed, is largely imported.
The National Council for the Evaluation of Social Policy (CONEVAL) estimates the country’s annual consumption of maize at 123 kg per person, compared to a world average of 16.8 kg.
The historical link with pre-Columbian indigenous cultures gives maize a strong symbolic and cultural significance throughout Mesoamerica, the area comprising southern Mexico and Central America, where it was domesticated, producing 59 landraces or native strains and 209 varieties.
In the state of Mexico, adjacent to the capital city’s Federal District, small farmers have found their native maize to be contaminated with GM maize, according to tests carried out by students at the state Autonomous Metropolitan University.
“We swapped seeds and decided to do some tests. Now we are more careful when exchanging, and over who participates in the fair, although we still have to carry out confirmation tests,” activist Sara López, of the Red Origen Volcanes (Volcanoes Origins Network), an association of small farmers that has been organising producers’ fairs since 2010, told IPS.
Environmental, scientific and small farmers’ organisations have discovered GM contamination of native maize in Chihuahua, Hidalgo, Puebla and Oaxaca.
Contamination is “a carefully and perversely planned strategy,” according to Camila Montecinos, from the Chile office of GRAIN, an international NGO that works to support small farmers and social movements in their struggles for community-controlled and biodiversity-based food systems.
Transnational food companies “chose maize, soy and canola because of their enormous potential for contamination (by wind-pollination),” said Montecinos, one of the experts participating in the preliminary hearing on transgenic contamination of native maize at the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal, an international opinion tribunal which opened its Mexican chapter in 2012 and will conclude with a non-binding ruling in 2014.
“When contamination spreads, the companies claim that the presence of transgenic crops must be recognised and legalised,” in order to pave the way for marketing the GM seeds, to which they own the patents, she said.
Mexico’s environment minister, Juan Guerra, has said that all available scientific information will be examined before a decision is made.
But that will not be easy. The National Confederation of Campesinos (Small Farmers), one of the main internal movements in the ruling PRI, has had an agreement with Monsanto since 2007 under which the company is to “conserve” native varieties.
Meanwhile, the Peña Nieto government still has not approved regulations for the format and contents of reports on the results of releasing GM organisms, and the possible threats to the environment, biodiversity, and the health of animals, plants and fish.
“For 18 years, corporations have been unsuccessful in convincing the people that their products are good. Maize is being used as a means of political and economic control. People need maize to be alive,” the ETC Group’s Mooney said.
The transgenic seeds on the market are herbicide-resistant Roundup Ready and Bt (for the Bacillus thuringiensis gene they carry for pest resistance) versions of cotton, maize, soy and canola. While they are legally grown in Canada, the United States, Argentina, Brazil and Spain, they are banned for example in China, Russia and the majority of the EU countries.
Recent studies published in the United States show that transgenic crops do not significantly increase yield per hectare, do not reduce herbicide use, and do not increase resistance to pests, in contrast to biotech industry claims.
“We are analysing what legal action to take against the new applications (to plant GM maize),” said Robles, of the Maize Defence Network.
To Clip the Wings of Coup D’Etats One Must Get Rid of Extractivism
By: Raúl Zibechi
This week the strategy of tension and chaos that United States agencies promote to destabilize governments was in evidence. If we take into account the most recent experiences, including the “Arab Spring,” we are able to conclude that State coups are just one of the various paths possible for evicting disturbing governments. Neither the Pentagon nor the White House bet on just one strategy for obtaining their ends, but they rather put into play a fan of converging and complementary actions.
The global economic crisis and the necessary contention for military expenditures (apparently the Southern Command saw its budget reduced by 26 per cent, but it can have hidden entries) grant priority to “soft power;” in other words, mechanisms not so apparent as tanks and bombarding of government palaces. The communications media, legal and semi-legal action, including the masses in the streets, which always serve to legitimate unnamed projects, are some of the tools in use.
In the case of Venezuela and the destabilizing escalation that was staged hours after the publication of the electoral results, a group of messages emerge that time will permit completely unveiling, but that show the appearance of new and more refined strategies. To show not just the negative aspects of the juncture, one would have to mention that the almost unanimity of the Unasur members showed their support to Nicolas Maduro, including a rapid recognition on the part of Colombia’s President, Juan Manuel Santos.
In the South American region only the Paraguay of Federico Franco, who has only been in charge for a short time, is aligned with the United States. That is relevant because it shows Washington’s isolation and the growing autonomization of governments like Colombia. It seems evident that the destabilizing strategy is not convenient for anyone in this part of the world, very particularly a government that seeks peace with the guerrillas with the opposition of the best ally of the warmonger George W. Bush, ex-president Álvaro Uribe.
The consolidation of the regional institutions and alliances, as much the Unasur as the Mercosur, is proving to be an efficient barrier against the North’s interference in the South American region. Nevertheless, just like we establish that some governments don’t mechanically follow United States policy (Ollanta Humala and Sebastián Piñera don’t add themselves to Washington either), it is very probable that we are facing a relative autonomization if the laws of those same power centres.
I want to say that the laws do their own reading of the global reality and they also play their own game; above all when the tendencies toward a multipolar world are intensified. Five of the world’s 10 principal economies no longer use the dollar in their exchanges with China (Russia Today, April 14, 2013); among them, Russia, India and Brazil, but also Japan, an important US ally. Australia, another Washington ally, is the last country to set the dollar aside in its trade with China. India and Japan also started to effectuate transactions in their respective national currencies.
The new global reality hits in such a way at the imperial centre that even its military expenditures fell, for the first time in 20 years. The United States has a 40 per cent smaller participation of global military expenditures, which in 2012 alone fell 6 per cent, while the military expenditure of NATO members in Europe contracted 10 per cent (SIPRI, April 15, 2013). In contrast, military expenditures of the emerging nations grew continuously, although they are very far from the Pentagon’s defence budget.
Nevertheless, other less visible forces operate but just as destabilizing or more than the ones that we have known for a long time. I refer to the extractive model or “extractivism.” “With the extractive model of mega-mining and agro-businesses one cannot deepen democracy,” assures Diego Montón, a member of the Union of Rural Workers Without Land of Mendoza (Argentina) and the new continental coordinator of CLOC-Via Campesina (Página 12, April 17, 2013).
Extractivism is much more than a productive model and a model of accumulating capital. Strictly speaking, it forms part of the complex financial speculation that now dominates the world. It has predatory effects in our countries: it is creating a new power block, politically corrupting, polarizing, socially exclusive and environmentally predatory.
In the political, the extractive model needs a group of agents that feed on their immense profits (soy, open pit mining and several mono-crops), which hide their interests (universities, national or local governments, media and intellectuals). Hardly exaggerating, extractivism plays a disintegrating role similar to drug trafficking, because it destroys the social fabric, expels campesinos from their lands, swells cities to unsupportable limits and kills people, particularly the poorest, who don’t have access to a quality health care system.
In all the countries of our region, extractive paradises of global speculative capital or of expansionist interests of emerging countries like China, a long decade of extractivism has done nothing but strengthen the (political) right. I do not refer only to political parties or conservative politicians, but to a diffuse right, social and cultural, which promotes individualism, an atrocious and predatory consumerism with social links, almost fascist behaviour towards the poor; in other words, against the youth of the popular barrios, in particular the people of the colour of the earth.
Denouncing the coup d’etat is indispensable. Defending oneself from the Pentagon is urgent. Increasing militancy is key (not just declarations and deployments); but the extractive model continues breeding and creating gangs of conservative young people that seek ultra-right leaders.
Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Translation: Chiapas Support Committee
Friday, April 19, 2013
words of the adherents to the sixth declaration from the ejido tila
ejido tila chiapas, april 26 2013
to the compañeros y compañeras of the ejido san sebastian bachajon adherents to the sixth declaration of the lacandon jungle
to the sixth commission of the ezln
to the good government junta of caracol v northern zone
to the indigenous national congress cni
to the adherents to the sexta
to the dignified struggles from the heart of the peoples of mexico and the world
to the different media
compañeros y compañeras
we want to give our word about the cowardly assassination of compañero juan vazquez, compañero in struggle from the ejido san sebastian bachajon, adherents to the sixth declaration of the lacandon jungle, even though we cannot find the words to communicate what we are feeling.
we feel very sad at the death of compañero juan who is a compañero in struggle which is why we are accompanying his departure. and we want, through our word, to give hope and strength to the compañeros y compañeras. we the compañeras feel very pained by his death because he was a compañero who had his heart in his hand for the defence of the territory we are sad because the compañero learned to struggle by supporting his compañeros and he gave a good example to follow which was doing his work and keeping on walking and fighting.
juan vazquez is a compañero fallen in defence of the land and territory, which is why today we make clear that the sixth from the ejido tila is with the compañeros y compañeras of san sebastian bachajon and that they are not alone. we will always struggle, because we remain united, because this is what makes us stronger, that every community, tribe and group when they unite have just one heart between them.
with the compañeros and compañeras ejidatarios and adherents from san sebastian we can see that we have the same struggle in the defence of mother earth and territory as indigenous Tseltal and Ch’ol peoples. and because we share the same history with them and have the same oppressors who have been the bad governments and large landholders and businessmen who share the same ambition in their hearts to be the owners of our land and our people.
we want to say that we have the memory of so much repression during these years and we state that those truly responsible for his death are the state government and the most responsible is the secretary of government because he has spent years destroying the organization of the adherents of the ejido san sebastian and the defence of the land and territory of the waterfalls of agua azul. because we know well that it is this government agency where they call corrupt and wicked leaders to provide programmes and money conditional on creating confrontations against those of us who are organized and resisting their project of death. and we remember that the compañero was illegally detained in december 2011 when they wanted to put him in prison but they could not, now in their cowardly way they have sent people to kill him.
the cowardly murder is because the government wants wants to intimidate us and to finish us off through their mafia. because they do not want to see us continue fighting and our struggle growing, but what we are fighting for, we are fighting for our children, like our grandfathers and grandmothers fought. this means that whatever happens we will continue organizing and fighting.
we want to say that compañero juan is not dead, he is in each of our hearts and thoughts. He is in the struggle of the ejido san sebastian bachajon adherents to the sixth declaration and in the struggle we walk together in defence of our land and territory and freedom along with many compañeros and compañeras from mexico and the world. the compañero is now a seed which has sprouted and will continue to grow and will produce many juanes.
as a people our heart is below and to the left, it is there we keep our memory as many other peoples have done, and this is what maintains us as countrymen who give our life for our people. because over very many years of struggle in which many have fallen we know that they are one more example that it is better to die on your feet than to live on your knees to the bad government.
we raise our hand saying:
memory and life in our heart for compañero juan
long live the struggle of ejido san sebastian bachajon adherents to the sixth
long live the organized people
land and freedom
ejido tila adherents to the sixth
Una fabbrica di scarpe è crollata in Cambogia nel distretto di Kong Pisey, provincia di Kampong Speu, a circa 40 chilometri ad ovest dalla capitale Phnom Penh intrappolando tra le macerie più di 100 operai e provocando diverse vittime: per ora i corpi recuperati sarebbero sei. La fabbrica, la Wing Star Shoes, è una delle fabbriche di scarpe sportive che lavorano come fornitrici della multinazionale Asics, che, non diversamente, da altri famosi marchi – Nike, Reebok, Adidas etc – hanno delocalizzato le loro filiere produttive nel Sud Est asiatico.
Una nuova strage sul lavoro, dunque, è avvenuta a 20 giorni dall'ecatombe di Dacca, dove, come abbiamo cercato di documentare, sono implicati direttamente molti marchi internazionali, tra cui la Benetton, Coin, Diesel, Calzedonia e altri marchi meno conosciuti del settore tessile-abbigliamento del Nordest: la cronaca giornalistica locale ci racconta di aziende che hanno delocalizzato in Bangladesh, scegliendo quel complesso manifatturiero, dietro suggerimento di un'opera missionaria il Pime, il Pontificio Istituto Missioni Estere.
«Avevamo già lavorato con questa azienda» racconta Francesca Berto, numero uno della Manifattura Corona «perché approvata da un'entità terza e indipendente. Si tratta dei missionari del Pime, il Pontificio Istituto Missioni Estere, da anni presente in Bangladesh come in molte altre parti povere del mondo. Fratello Massimo Cattaneo ci aveva segnalato questa ditta come una di quelle che rispondevano ai più alti standard sia in termini di condizioni lavorative che di trattamento salariale. Alcuni degli ex studenti della scuola del Pime, la Novara Technical School, lavoravano alla Phantom e i missionari si accertavano delle condizioni salariali e di lavoro e li seguivano costantemente». Ora fra le vittime ci sono anche cinque ragazze della scuola del Pime, ne danno notizia gli stessi missionari [vedi link].
Ora le aziende coinvolte si affannano a produrre accordi e protocolli di salvaguardia per i dipendenti che lavorano in queste fabbriche della filiera tessile dei grandi marchi internazionali per cautelarsi da possibili rivendicazioni di indennizzo da parte delle organizzazioni sindacali, della stessa OIL – Organizzazione Internazionale del Lavoro – e per lavarsi le mani grondanti di sangue.
Come abbiamo riportato sopra, nel caso delle garanzie del PIME, non è, certo, con un accordo, con una certificazione che si può risolvere la piaga delle morti sul lavoro in un sistema di produzione fondato sullo sfruttamento schiavistico, in barba a tutti gli ammiccamenti pubblicitari multiculturali e multietnici.
La storia della delocalizzazione è costellata da morti, disoccupazione, fallimenti, disperazione quali effetti della scelta imprenditoriale di scardinare le rivendicazioni operaie di salario e diritti che hanno accompagnato le stagioni di lotta degli anni sessanta e settanta.
Infatti il decentramento produttivo e poi la delocalizzazione sono state la risposta a quei cicli di lotta e la Benetton è stata l'azienda – nel Veneto e i Della Valle nelle Marche - che ha, scientificamente, pianificato queste scelte: il modello produttivo Benetton è stato oggetto di numerosi e dettagliati studi ed indagini, che hanno esaminato l'indotto della casamadre, il lavoro a domicilio e i rapporti che s'instaurano tra le imprese all'interno di uno stesso settore, dimostrano come il decentramento produttivo sia presente soprattutto in quei settori dove è possibile una maggiore divisione e segmentazione del lavoro, e quindi nei casi in cui le economie dimensionali sono raggiungibili anche a ridotti livelli di capacità produttiva. Bisogna comunque far presente che negli anni sessanta era ancora presente il mito delle economie di scala e quindi il decentramento produttivo è stato un fenomeno abbastanza recente. I primi casi, infatti, possono essere fatti risalire all'inizio degli anni settanta, con l'Italia che riveste un ruolo pionieristico, quando ci si rende conto delle difficoltà di gestire efficacemente i grandi sistemi e le macrostrutture.
Questo fenomeno non è soltanto italiano e ben presto è messo in discussione il concetto del gigantismo, dell'integrazione verticale ad ogni costo, dei vantaggi della macrostruttura fino ad arrivare ad un nuovo slogan: “piccolo è bello”. Bello soprattutto per il portafoglio delle imprese del Nordest, dove ben presto il modello produttivo basato sul decentramento e delocalizzazione, in un combinato disposto, dal tessile si è allargato a macchia d'olio a tutti i settori, a partire dal calzaturiero e dall'occhialeria, producendo il massimo di frantumazione e dispersione – nei continenti – produttiva con il massimo di verticalizzazione gestionale. Molte delle morti sul lavoro dei piccoli artigiani italiani dell'indotto come quelle che avvengono ai quattro angoli del mondo sono il frutto avvelenato del miracolo del Nordest, della fine del ciclo “piccolo è bello”.
CALL FOR JUSTICE AND FREEDOM (#LibertadPatishtan) FOR PATISHTÁN from May 4 to June 19, 2013
Relatives of Alberto Patishtán, the Movement of the People from El Bosque, and Organizations accompanying this campaign deeply appreciate all the solidarity that has been received in recent weeks and during the more than 12 years of unjust imprisonment of Professor Alberto Patishtán Gomez.
At the same time we give the information that on March 6, 2013 the First Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, by a majority 3-2 votes, decided NOT to assume (resume their original jurisdiction to resolve the motion for the recognition of innocence) the case of professor ALBERTO PATISHTÁN. This only represents a decision about the way the case will be decided, it does not comment on the heart of the matter.
As a result of this, the case of professor ALBERTO PATISHTÁN must return to the FIRST COLLEGIATE COURT, BASED IN TUXTLA GUTIERREZ, CHIAPAS, which will decide whether or not to recognize the innocence of the teacher, based on the arguments of the defence about the incident.
The lawyers of professor ALBERTO PATISHTÁN have been informed in the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, that the resolution is still ‘en engrose’, that is to say, in the process of the preparation of the reasons and grounds on which the case was not brought. From the above information, we believe that in this month of May the case may be referred to the FIRST COLLEGIATE COURT who would issue its decision immediately. Consequently, the decision on whether or not to recognize the innocence of the teacher may be handed down in June 2013.
On 19 June professor Patishtán will have been in prison for 13 years, which is why we call on national and international civil society to maintain their support and solidarity “For Justice and Freedom for Patishtán (#LibertadPatishtan)” by joining together to:
Organise showings of the Documentary: “To Live or Die for Justice and Freedom” IF YOU WANT TO ADD TO THE CAMPAIGN BY SCREENING THE DOCUMENTARY, WRITE TO: email@example.com and/or firstname.lastname@example.org
Sign letters addressed to the judges of the First Collegiate Court based in Chiapas
Follow us on Social Networks. Join the twitter action every Friday from 10-12am and 4-7pm tweeting everyone you can with the hashtag #LibertadPatishtan.
Call for Justice and the #Release of Patishtán, from 4 May to 19 June
From 4 May to 19 June, relatives of the prisoner Alberto Patishtán Gómez, along with the Movement of the People of El Bosque in Favour of the Release of Alberto Patishtán and other organizations have organized a campaign called “For Justice and the #Release of Patishtan”. In the blog containing information regarding Patishtán Gómez, it is asserted that “the lawyers of professor ALBERTO PATISHTAN have been informed at the Supreme Court for Justice in the Nation that the resolution is still to be awaited [...]. In light of this, we believe that during this month of May it is possible to remit the case before the FIRST COLLEGIATE TRIBUNAL which will release its decision immediately. As a consequence, the resolution as to whether his innocence will be recognized or not could be had in the month of June 2013.”
On 19 June 13 years will have passed since the beginning of the incarceration of professor Patishtán, and it is for this reason that the campaign will be launched. Beyond this, there will be carried out presentations of the documentary “Alberto Patishtan: Live or Die for Truth and Justice”. There will also be a campaign to sign letters directed to the justices of the First Collegiate Tribunal of the Tuxtla Gutierrez Circuit. Some of the other actions to be included will be a march every Friday from 10-12pm and from 4-7pm, with the Twitter hashtag #ReleasePatishstán.
For more information (in Spanish):
CONVOCATORIA POR LA JUSTICIA Y LA #LIBERTADPATISHTAN del 4 de mayo al 19 de junio 2013 (Blog Alberto Patishtán, mayo 2013)
Documental: Alberto Patishtán; Vivir o Morir Por la Verdad y la Justicia (Koman Ilel, abril 2013)