Ciudad de México . El Estado mexicano no es garante de los derechos de los pueblos, sino que se esfuerza por propiciar el despojo por parte de grandes capitales que instalan proyectos de muerte en sus tierras, tales como minas, represas, pozos de fracking, pozos en aguas someras y profundas, gasoductos y oleoductos, entre otros, denunciaron las comunidades, tribus, naciones y barrios que integran la Camapaña Nacional en Defensa de la Madre Tierra y el Territorio, durante la celebración de su Sexta Asamblea General en Temacapulín, Jalisco.
Afirmaron que el Estado mexicano hace uso arbitrario de las fuerzas de seguridad y la ley para reprimir y criminalizar la protesta de quienes defienden su territorio, y que además hace caso omiso de los crímenes perpetrados por grupos paramilitares o del crimen organizado que promueven la violencia en colusión con los intereses de empresas promotoras de megaproyectos de muerte.
Incluso la violencia y la represión alcanzó a la Campaña, denunciaron sus integrantes, pues luego de su arranque el 10 de abril pasado, se atacaron a los compañeros en Xochicuautla, además de los hechos violentos en Atenco, Coyotepec, y San Francisco Magú en el Estado de México, Amilcingo, en Morelos, San Gregorio, Ranchería Corozal y Salvador Allende, en Chiapas, y el espacio del Chanti-Ollin en la Ciudad de México.
Ante las innumerables luchas que los pueblos enfrentan contra los proyectos como hidroeléctricas y explotación forestal, entre otros, los representantes reunidos en la Sexta Asamblea General exigieron la cancelación total y definitiva de todos y cada uno de los proyectos de despojo y desarrollo que violentan sus tierras, que comience un proceso de enjuiciamiento popular del Estado mexicano, las empresas y el crimen organizado por sus crímenes en contra de los pueblos y el cese de la violencia, la represión y la criminalización de los defensores del territorio.
To public opinion
To the state, national and international media
To the alternative media
To the sixth
To civil society
To the brothers and sisters of the Pueblo Creyente
To the diocese of San Cristóbal de las Casas
To the independent organizations
To the nongovernmental defenders of human rights
To the national indigenous congress (CNI) and the EZLN
Unjustly imprisoned, Roberto Paciencia Cruz, adherent to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandona Jungle of the EZLN, incarcerated in the CERESO No. 5 in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas. The unjust humiliation and psychological torture we all suffer in the different penitentiaries of the state and country is what we are daily confronting. For example, Saturday August 27, I was denied my visitors, who wanted to see me and spend some time with me. The warden Abelardo Méndez Gonzéles and the guard Isidro Manuel Vázquez Hernádez completely denied my visitors. These employees along with the director Victor Manuel Vázquez Hernández did not take into account the effort made by my visitors. As poor indigenous people this humiliates us. Because of this I am making this public denunciation, demanding the government Manuel Velazco Coello to take action against the officials who have mishandled their professional positions. At the same time, I demand that the state government to give me my freedom as soon as possible, and also the freedom of my compañero Alejandro Díaz Sántiz.
Finally, I invite all the global organizations to continue reclaiming the liberty of all of the political and unjustly imprisoned prisoners of the country.
Justice and liberty!
Roberto Paciencia Cruz
Penal No. 5 San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas
August 28, 2016
Translated by Palabras Rebeldes
Posted by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity
Maximiliano Martinez Gordillo, 18, who left his home in the municipality of Socoltenango for Playa del Carmen, Quintana Roo in search of work, was forcibly disappeared “at the hands of immigration agents” last May. Since then, the Fray Bartolome de Las Casas Centre for Human Rights (CDHFBC), along with Mesoamerican Voices (Voices), Home 72 – Refuge for Migrants (La 72), and the disappeared boy’s parents have been seeking his whereabouts. On August 21, Maximilian turned 19 and he is still missing. As part of the efforts being made to demand Maximilian be presented alive, parents, CDHFBC, Voices and the 72 have joined forces to hold several press conferences in Chiapas, Tabasco and recently in Mexico City, where they claimed that on May 7 last, the National Migration Institute (INM) “in conjunction with Tabasco State Police took Maximilian from the bus he was migrating on to another state of the republic in search of work, he was arrested, intimidated and disappeared.”
The arrests of migrants from Central America, Mexico and people on their way to the United States of America, is nothing new. The CDHFBC, Voices and 72 reported in a press conference in Mexico City that, “according to official figures, from October 2014 to April 2015, the US stopped 70,440 people, while 92,889 migrants were deported in the same period by the Mexican State. Meanwhile, in 2015, Mexico deported approximately 150,000 migrants from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras primarily, representing an increase of 44% over the previous year, making it the biggest “deporter” of people at global level.” They also say that this hardening “is added to the crime of organized groups that steal from, extort, commit sexual crimes against and kidnap migrants. There have also been documented cases of trafficking for sex work and cases of young people who are forced to work for organized crime itself. These criminal groups operate in the territories under constant and staunch presence of the immigration authorities and public security bodies; from this the participation and responsibility of the authorities of the Mexican state is inferred, although they deny it, there is an abundance of testimonies from residents and victims, who constantly point out both direct participation of public officials across all hierarchical levels in these crimes, as well as complicity, tolerance and ineffectiveness in prosecuting those responsible.”
Given this panorama, human rights organizations, together with the family, made an urgent call for national and international solidarity to demand the immediate presentation with life of Maximilian, and “a comprehensive investigation into those responsible.” Among other actions, they invited people to sign and share the urgent action on the Avaaz website, and to widely share the story of Maximilian.
Posted by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity29/08/2016
“EL Estado mexicano prepara el escenario para reprimir abiertamente al movimiento magisterial, por lo cual el gobierno está realizando un ambiente de linchamiento que genere en la opinión pública un cierto aval a la brutalidad policial”
Chiapas: la lucha magisterial ante el linchamiento mediático
El aumento del linchamiento mediático contra docentes de la Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE), no se ha hecho esperar.
CNTE Chiapas: Bloquea el acceso a vehículos de empresas trasnacionales en las entradas a la capital chiapaneca
A más de 100 días de haber estallado la Huelga Magisterial de la Coordinadora Nacional de los Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE), el Movimiento Magisterial y Popular de Chiapas acciona con el bloqueo el día de hoy en los principales accesos a la capital chiapaneca a vehículos de empresas transnacionales, como actividad para ejercer presión tanto al Gobierno federal como a la iniciativa privada ligada a “Mexicanos Primero” organización que está detrás de la imposición de la falsa “Reforma Educativa”
A dos meses de la masacre, el pueblo de Nochixtlán sigue sin autoridades gobernamentales pero con un Comité Ciudadano que se inscribe en una dinámica de emancipación política para que se retomen los Usos y Costumbres de la región.
Inicio de la Jornada por la libertad de los presos políticos de Tlanixco
El 24 de agosto de 2016 en el Foro José Revueltas en Ciudad Universitaria dio inicio la Jornada por la libertad de los defensores del agua y la vida de San Pedro Tlanixco.
San Francisco, Teopisca denuncia hostigamiento de grupo de choque
Denuncia de la ranchería San Francisco, municipio de Teopisca, Chiapas.
La Comunidad Cruztón denuncia invasiones a su territorio y agresiones
El Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de las Casas nos envía la siguiente denuncia de la Comunidad de Cruztón.
[USA]Huelga de presos el 9/9/2016, contra la esclavitud en prisión
Huelga de Presos en USA el 9 Septiembre contra las Fábricas Corporativas Carcelarias y el Sistema Penitenciario. ¡Abolición Ya! – Estad atentxs, no esperéis verla anunciada en la tele.
Cincuenta años después, ¿qué queda de los Panteras Negras?
Los Black Panther, hoy en día, o están muertos, o en prisión, o son profesores de universidad (Mireia Sentís)
El sistema de injusticia penal del régimen de EEUU
La justicia no es para los negros, los hispanos y los pobres
Las crónicas de un investigador privado
By: Raúl Zibechi
On 14th August https://desinformemonos.org/ drew attention to the 31 femicides registered in Querétaro since January 2015, with a short and frightening story.
“Games, dreams, school, friends, family, birthdays, trips, security, freedom, dignity and life are all no longer rights because they have been converted, shamefully, intolerably and lamentably into benefits that are acquired when you ‘moderate’ your manner of speaking, when you ‘are careful’ about how you look, the hours you go out, the places that you frequent, when you stop trusting people and when your life stops being your life.”
The article emphasizes that: “femicides are clearly State violence;” it denounces “the impunity that covers them and favours the repetition of harm,” and it emphasizes that the majority of the victims are usually indigenous and poor women.
The information refers directly to Silvia Federici’s book, Calibán y la bruja: mujeres, cuerpo y acumulación originaria (Traficantes de Sueños, 2010);  a work of lasting influence, which contributes to illuminating reality, permitting a better understanding of a social conflict. It analyses the witch-hunts in medieval society, and at the same time contributes to the understanding of what was happening in this period of history.
Federici maintains that feudalism was eroded due to the power and autonomy obtained by the popular classes, and that the response of the dominant classes was a violent offensive that laid the foundations of capitalism. Slavery and colonialism, the subjection of workers in production and the confinement of women in reproduction, the creation of hierarchies of race, gender and age, all formed part of this new domination.
Capitalism not only arrived “dripping blood and dirt from head to foot” (Marx), but also creating “an immense concentration camp,” where slavery on the plantations and the mita  in the mines boosted capital accumulation (Federici, p. 91). The power of women was destroyed through the witch-hunts, and the men (and the women and children) were subjected to waged slavery and servitude, in order to appropriate the commons.
Today we cross through the crisis of capitalism and the dominant class again uses violence to perpetuate itself. At the core of this crisis is the power acquired by the popular sectors organized into movements, particularly since the 1960s, when factory workers dismantled the employers’ power by overthrowing the ‘Fordist’  discipline.
The capital offensive underway seeks to destroy that capacity for organization and struggle of those from below. But the popular world is now very different from before, particularly because of the crisis of the old patriarchy. Anyone who knows the antisystemic movements knows that women play a central role, even when they aren’t as visible as the men. They are the mortar of collective life; they are in charge of the reproduction of life and of the movements. Besides cooking, weaving and caring for the animals in their homes, they join together with other women to do the same, but collectively. They are the guardians of the commons, material and immaterial.
They, and their children, are the sustainers of the popular world, of extended families and organizations, from urban to campesino and indigenous communities, from Chiapas and Cherán to Wall Mapu (Mapuche Territory) and the Andes. It’s no accident that we are facing a new witch-hunt when reproduction occupies such an important place in the resistance and in the power of women within their communities.
Women, and their children, have broken the patriarchal nuclear family, the power of the Church and the priest, the disciplinary role of the school, the barracks, the hospital and the workshop. They have created a world where collective relations take precedence over family ones and the cooperation between them makes “the sexual division of labour” into “a source of power and protection for women,” as Federici writes about medieval society (p. 41). Paying attention to what happens in a tianguis (outdoor market), an outdoor cafe or a popular barrio makes further comment unnecessary.
The violence to annihilate the popular sectors, through the narco, femicide and the wars against the peoples, has been designed by the ruling classes to destroy our powers; not only explicitly. Federici reminds us that the workers of the 15th Century practiced multiple resistances: they stopped working when they had enough, they only accepted tasks for a limited time, and dressed ostentatiously, in such a way that they were “indistinguishable from the lords” (p. 78).
The new witch-hunt, now without trials or formalities, but rather with a clean bullet, is part of capital’s Fourth World War to eliminate us as peoples. To succeed in the class war, the bourgeoisie must raze the autonomy of the peoples, communities and individuals; violence and social policies are, in that sense, complementary. The attack on women and their children is one of the crucial points of this war.
As at the dawn of the system, in its decline violence again becomes the principal agent of capital accumulation. Far from any illusion, we must comprehend that violence is neither an error nor a momentary deviation, but rather a systemic characteristic of capitalism in decline, particularly in the zones where the dignity of human beings is not recognized.
For that reason, she says it is urgent to clarify strategies to address the systemic violence and the annihilation of the will of the peoples. If femicide and the indiscriminate murder of young people and women are systemic, what sense does it make to elect governments from different parties who are going to keep the current system going?
 Calibán and the Witch: Women, the Body and Primitive Accumulation [Dream Traffickers, 2010]
 According to Wikipedia, mit’a, a Quechua word, meant collective free labour on public works required by the Inca Empire. After the Spanish invaded, the word became mita and the practice became an oppressive system. With respect to the mines, workers were paid very low wages, with which they had to buy their food (from company stores) and pay taxes. They earned so little that they were often unable to pay their debts and were, therefore, not permitted to leave the mines and go home.
 Fordism is a manufacturing philosophy that aims to achieve higher productivity by standardizing the output, using conveyor assembly lines, and breaking the work into small deskilled tasks.
Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada
Friday, August 19, 2016
Re-Published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee
Posted with minor edits by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity 28/08/2016
Patricia del Carmen Paniagua Gomez (@PGJE)
In a bulletin on August 16, 2016, the Fray Bartolome de las Casas Human Rights Centre (CDHFBC) reported that it had requested precautionary measures from the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights (CIDH) for Patricia del Carmen Paniagua Gomez, a woman prisoner since April 2014, whose life is in danger after the torture she was subjected to when arrested.
Within three months of entering prison she was diagnosed with diabetes mellitus, a chronic degenerative disease. The CDHFBC said that given the inadequate and insufficient medical care by the prison authorities, “there is no metabolic control and a persistence of psychiatric symptoms that adversely affect” her general state of health which represents an imminent threat to Patricia’s life and physical and psychological integrity, “because she can fall into a diabetic coma and / or die at any time.”
In the background to the case, the CDHFBC mentioned that, in April 2014, Margarito Benjamin Zolano Gonzalez was arrested in the municipal capital of Teopisca along with Patricia del Carmen Paniagua Gomez and Maria del Rosario Zolano Gonzalez without an arrest warrant. The three people were tortured and accused of the death of Manuel Velazquez Hernandez, leader of the National Organization of People’s Power (ONPP), whose body was found in Teopisca municipal dump in February 2014.
Note: Since this was written, Patricia has been transferred to the prison of El Amate, far from her family. Previously she was imprisoned with her mother and her aunt who were able to give her some help with her psychological needs and her daily insulin treatment.
Posted by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity on 28/08/2016