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Esta es la nueva pagina de europa Zapatista : Contiene noticias y artículos publicados en los sitios web y blogs de los diferentes colectivos europeos solidarios con l@s zapatist@s y con los de abajo y a la izquierda. Permitiendo así colectivizar e intercambiar la información desde nuestros rincones.

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Report from the “Civilian Mission for Human Rights Observation to the camp of forcibly displaced persons from the village of Primero de Agosto, Municipality of Las Margaritas.”

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Report from the “Civilian Mission for Human Rights Observation to the camp of forcibly displaced persons from the village of Primero de Agosto, Municipality of Las Margaritas.”

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San Cristobal de Las Casas, Chiapas. May 20, 2015.

V. Demands

Given what has been observed and documented, the Civil Observation Mission demands of the government of Chiapas that they take immediate, urgent and effective action to find a lasting solution that could lead to the prompt return of the people who were forcibly displaced, as well as that they clarify the events that gave rise to the displacement, perform the relevant ministerial inspection at the scene and move forward the respective proceedings, punishing the perpetrators and comprehensively repairing the damage, taking action to prevent acts that would put at risk once again the life and physical integrity of the children, women and men of the displaced village of Primero de Agosto.

At the same time, they must immediately address the dire humanitarian situation prevailing in Primero de Agosto, in accordance with the points made above, especially taking into consideration the most vulnerable groups such as children and women who are pregnant and have small children, all of them Tojolabales.”

Read the report at: http://www.frayba.org.mx/archivo/informes/150520_informe_primero_agosto.pdf

Network for Peace in Chiapas.

http://www.pozol.org/?p=10685

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Residents of Cruztón denounce threats and invasion of their lands

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Residents of Cruztón denounce threats and invasion of their lands

@RadioPozol

@RadioPozol

On 26 April, in a communique, the Cruztón community, Venustiano Carranza municipality, Chiapas, which adheres to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, denounced “before the bad government of Enrique Peña Nieto, president of Mexico, and the state governor of Chiapas, Manuel Velasco Coello” the invasion of their lands, new threats of displacement, and the prohibition on working their lands due to the actions of the “Nuevo Guadalupe Victoria Organization,” based in the same municipality.

In 2007, Cruztón recovered nearly 250 hectares of land.  Since 2011, the community has suffered threats of forcible displacement and presently is being threatened by armed groups.

SemillaDignaThe community requests “immediate intervention, given that in 2013 we were threatened by this group, and on 16 April of this year, they appeared on our lands threatening us […].  They have also prevented us from entering our lands, frightening us with gunfire emanating from high-caliber weapons.  They also have prevented us from entering the sacred lands.”

https://sipazen.wordpress.com/2015/05/14/residents-of-cruzton-denounce-threats-and-invasion-of-their-lands/

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Tzotzil rock from the group Sak Tzevul

 Tzotzil rock from the group Sak Tzevul

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Rock in the Tzotzil (indigenous Maya) language, played by Sak Tzevul, from Zinancantán, Chiapas, Mexico.

This clip is from Sts’umbeyel ta yo’ otan skolel alnich’an “Roots and Wings”.

In recent years, more musicians in Mexico are singing in indigenous languages such ​​as Seri, Tzotzil or Nahuatl. The performers come from indigenous communities who have adopted musical forms which are not part of their traditional culture, but sing the lyrics in their own language.

The birth of the EZLN has been important to the indigenous rock. The public appearance of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in 1994 attracted the attention of many sectors of the country and forced the authorities to implement public policies towards indigenous peoples. Above all, in many communities awakened a process of claiming their rights, culture and language, where music is an important element. This trend has strengthened in recent months.

Damian Martinez, founded the group Sak Tzevul in Zinacantan a Tzotzil community in the Los Altos region of Chiapas. In 1994, while studying in the neighbouring city of San Cristobal de las Casas, he found “there was a lot of discrimination, they made fun of those who came from indigenous communities.”

“I got angry with the kids concealing their tongue, not saying where they were from, not even being able to imagine speaking their language in the classroom.” Damian began to study law, but then changed to classical guitar. He could not finish hos studies for lack of money, but completed his musical education by teaching himself.

In 1996, when he founded the group decided to write in Tzotzil but sing the songs to the rhythm of rock. “My goal was to give young people something new to our culture and say that if right now we are ashamed, I hope that one day we will be proud.”

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from http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/noticias/2015/01/150108_mexico_rock_indigena_an

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Comunicado de Las Abejas 22.05


A las Organizaciones, Movimientos y Colectivos Independientes del Mundo                       
A los y las Defensores de Derechos Humanos Independientes

Al Congreso Nacional Indígena (CNI)

A la Sexta Nacional e Internacional

A los Medios Libres, Alternativos, Autónomos o como se llamen

A los Medios de comunicación Nacional e Internacional

A la Sociedad Civil Nacional e Internacional


Hermanos y hermanas:


Hoy damos a conocer nuestra palabra de cómo nos sentimos y vemos la situación de vida y de derechos humanos en Chiapas y en nuestro país.


Respecto a la violencia y crímenes de Estado en el que hoy día se encuentra sumergido nuestro México, es la respuesta y mensaje del monstruo-asesino sistema capitalista neoliberal hacia los hombres y mujeres que luchamos, que resistimos, que construimos nuestra autonomía, que queremos vivir libres y que estamos construyendo el Lekil Kuxlejal, el "buen vivir", como se diría en castellano.


En este comunicado vamos a citar muchas veces al "monstruo-asesino sistema capitalista neoliberal", aunque esta palabra, no existe en tsotsil, es una cosa rara; pero, pensamos que es el mismo monstruo al que se refieren nuestros hermanos zapatistas, la "Hidra Capitalista". Entonces después del Seminario de "El Pensamiento Crítico Frente a la Hidra Capitalista", convocado por nuestros hermanos y hermanas zapatistas, estuvimos pensando y pensando cómo explicar qué es la "Hidra Capitalista" a los representantes de todas las comunidades que conforma nuestra organización y no encontramos nada similar en las historias que nos hayan contado nuestros abuelos y abuelas; pero, encontramos que en la Biblia en apocalipsis habla de un monstruo, de un dragón con 7 cabezas, que es el demonio, que es el satanás que devora a quien a este no se somete; entonces así más o menos es como entendemos lo que es el monstruo-asesino, o Hidra capitalista o dragón con 7 cabezas.


Así entonces, el monstruo-asesino tiene a México desangrando y no se sacia su deseo de matar. Este monstruo-asesino sistema capitalista neoliberal encarnado en el mal gobierno de México, es responsable directamente de Ayotzinapa, de la reciente represión de la policía a los jornaleros de San Quintín, Baja California, de los desplazamientos forzados por ejemplo de Banavil, del Poblado Primero de Agosto. Aquí sólo mencionamos algunos casos, pero, en realidad es infinita los crímenes que comete el monstruo-asesino en contra de los hombres, mujeres y pueblos organizados de Chiapas y de México.


¿Qué es lo que hacemos los hombres y mujeres organizados que no le gusta al monstruo-asesino?
No le gusta que estamos construyendo nuestra autonomía. No le gusta que seamos libres. No le gusta que sepamos pensar y seamos críticos ante su sistema corrupto y asesino.
Pero, sobre todo no le gusta que para construir nuestra autonomía, para que seamos libres; necesitamos a la madre tierra, eso quiere decir que debemos de tener control en nuestros territorios; por ejemplo, decidir si estamos de acuerdo o no, en que en nuestro territorio puede venir una empresa canadiense a extraer minerales, o que se construyan autopistas o represas en él.


El monstruo-asesino sistema capitalista neoliberal a través de sus lacayos en turno de nombres Enríque Peña Nieto y Manuel Velasco Coello, destruyen a la semilla de la vida, destruyen a los y las futuras guardianes de la vida, de la historia, de la memoria y futuros cuidadores y cuidadores de la madre tierra, una prueba evidente, es el caso de los niños y niñas vacunados por el IMSS en la comunidad La Pimienta en el municipio de Simojovel.


El mal gobierno le tiene miedo al pueblo consciente, pero, si hacemos memoria y analizamos la historia de la humanidad y cómo han actuado desde tiempos muy lejanos, los poderosos y gobiernos criminales, llegamos a una conclusión que matan a los niños y niñas, porque, los niños y niñas son la semilla de la vida, son la semilla del futuro, son ellos quienes seguirán cuidando y pretegiendo a la madre tierra, porque los niños y niñas continuarán construyendo la autonomía, como lo hemos estado haciendo en estos tiempos.


En la masacre de Acteal de las 45 personas asesinadas, la mayoría eran niños y niñas, pero, el mensaje del Estado Mexicano a través de sus paramilitares, porque al asesinar a 4 bebés dentro del vientre de sus madres, es acabar con la semilla de la vida, con la semilla del pacifismo, con la semilla de la lucha de los pueblos originarios en contra el monstruo-asesino sistema capitalista neoliberal.


Al respecto de los niños vacunados por el IMSS en Simojovel, decían nuestros hermanos y hermanas mayores, los y las fundadoras de la Organización Las Abejas, y nos compartieron que en la Biblia, hace mucho tiempo, hubo un rey en Egipto al que le decían Faraón, ordenó a las parteras hebreas que le dieran muerte a todos los niños que nacían durante el parto que ellas atendían, porque este rey egipcio, tenía miedo que los israelitas se multiplicaran y se reveleran en contra de su reino. Y luego nuestros hermanos y hermanas mayores nos contaron otra historia en la Biblia, que había un rey en ese tiempo muy lejano, llamado Herodes, este hombre ordenó a sus soldados matar a todos los niños recién nacidos, porque en ese tiempo había nacido un niño de nombre Jesús y que va a ser un rey que va a liberar a su pueblo, y el miedo de Herodes es que sea acabado su reino por Jesús, que por eso dio la orden de matar a todos los niños para que entre ellos Jesus fuera asesinado.


Con lo muerte de los niños en Simojovel, vacunados por el IMSS, y con todos los antecedentes y acciones de los malos gobiernos en México en contra de los pueblos originarios, nos da a entender muy bien, que la estrategia del mal gobierno para acabar con los pueblos, no sólo es a través de los paramilitares como asesinaron a los 4 bebés dentro del vientre de sus madres en Acteal; sino, el gobierno asesino tiene varias estrategias de cómo acabar con los pueblos; esta vez en Simojovel el mensaje del Estado Mexicano en contra de los pueblos originarios, fue a través del IMSS, asesinar a los niños y niñas, pero, a través de vacunas.


El monstruo-asesino capitalista neoliberal, va a seguir asesinando a los pueblos originarios, ya sea con balas de plomo, con balas de azúcar o con vacunas, ¿y qué vamos a hacer ante el infierno e ira desatada del monstruo-asesino?


Nuestros hermanos del Pueblo Creyente de Simojovel de nueva cuenta nos convocaron a una peregrinación para expresar nuestra indignación, mañana 23 de mayo, en respuesta a esta invitación que hacen nuestros hermanos de Simojovel, la Organización Sociedad Civil Las Abejas de Acteal, participará en dicha peregrinación con una comisión conformada por la Mesa Directiva y sobrevivientes de la masacre de Acteal; porque ya no queremos que sigan repitiendo más acteales, porque ya no queremos que se sigan asesinando más niños, sin ver y sentir la luz del sol, sin tener oportunidad de poder hablar y vivir libres en este mundo.


A pesar de tanta violencia, de tanto dolor, de tanto desprecio que nos hacen los malos gobiernos; también celebramos la vida, celebramos frutos de la lucha del pueblo, celebramos triunfos sobre la muerte. En específico, hoy nos unimos a la celebración por la beatificación de nuestro gran hermano Mons. Oscar Romero que es otro ejemplo de cómo los poderosos asesinan a todos los que se oponen a sus planes de dominación, pero también es un ejemplo de que los poderosos no pueden triunfar y de que la verdad no puede ser callada, pues como él mismo dijo, si me matan resucitaré en mi pueblo, y así lo vemos ahora que Romero está vivo no sólo en el pueblo salvadoreño, sino, en todos los pueblos latinoamericanos, y su voz llega hoy a todos los rincones del mundo y es reconocida por el mismo papa Francisco.


También hoy, celebramos y felicitamos a todo el equipo del Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, en especial a nuestro amigo y hermano Pedro Faro que ya es elegido como nuevo director de dicho Centro. Y en este comunicado como organización y como sobrevivientes de la masacre de Acteal, primero agradecerles siempre por su acompañamiento en nuestro caminar como pueblo, en la reivindicación de nuestros derechos como pueblos originarios; y segundo, que nos sigan acompañando como lo han hecho hasta la fecha, en la búsqueda de la justicia por la masacre de Acteal, tanto en el proceso ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH), como en la construcción de una otra justicia construida desde abajo por los mismos pueblos. Sabemos que la justicia no se consigue en corto tiempo, sino, que estamos concientes que va a llevar mucho tiempo: porque los malos gobiernos, los autores intelectuales de dicha masacre, tienen mucho poder y dinero para comprar la justicia; pero, a pesar de todo, nuestro pensamiento y corazón, nunca van a olvidar Acteal, seremos siempre los y las guardianes de la memoria y de la esperanza y no descansaremos hasta que los autores de este crimen de Estado sean juzgados.

Atentamente
La Voz de la Organización de la Sociedad Civil Las Abejas de Acteal.


Por la Mesa Directiva:



                                        José Jiménez Pérez       Juan Vázquez Luna 



                                   Oscar Hernández Gómez    Pedro Ortiz Gutiérrez


    

                                  Lisandro Sántiz Hernández    Amado Sánchez Díaz

Yaqui Indigenous Tribe Travels for 11 Days to Defend Water

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Yaqui Indigenous Tribe Travels for 11 Days to Defend Water

Tomas Rojo, spokesperson of the Yaqui Tribe, denounces the Independence Aqueduct in front of Mexico's Supreme Court. | Photo: Clayton Conn

Tomas Rojo, spokesperson of the Yaqui Tribe, denounces the Independence Aqueduct in front of Mexico’s Supreme Court. | Photo: Clayton Conn

The Yaqui Caravan has travelled the country calling for communities to unite to end the destruction of land, life, water, and air.

The Yaqui indigenous people’s National Caravan for the Defense of Water, Land, Work and Life arrived in Mexico City’s Xochimilco area Thursday night after traveling 11 days to communities across Mexico in order to connect with and bring together different social struggles.

The Caravan will convene a demonstration Friday in Mexico City’s historic Zocalo square to deliver their final message.

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“The Xochimilco community, Mexico City, received the different caravans convened by the Yaqui Tribe.”

Addressing a diverse crowd of indigenous peoples, campesinos, human rights defenders, trade unionists, students, and other social organizations in Xochimilco Thursday night, Yaqui Caravan leaders urged Mexican to resist water privatization and the robbing of indigenous peoples natural resources, La Jornada reported.

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“We are sad because we have seen many injustices,” the Caravan declared in reference to its cross-country tour. “It is time to struggle all together, the time has come to organize ourselves.”

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The call to organize comes after the Caravan heard testimonies from communities fighting against land and resource dispossession that mining and energy companies use divisive strategies to break the resistance of communities in struggle.

“Yaqui Resistance. Defending water defends everyone.”

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The Yaqui indigenous tribe in the northern state of Sonora has been struggling for years against the concessions in the Yaqui River, which the indigenous people have relied on for survival for generations. Some 40,000 Yaqui people live in 55 communities in the region.

The caravan calls for an end to all mega-projects, like the Independence Aqueduct, that destroy life, water, land, and air. They also reject neoliberal policy reforms, militarization of the country, and demand a return of the 43 Ayotzinapa students, freedom for political prisoners, and strengthening of food and energy sovereignty.

Earlier this year, Mexico’s Supreme Court ruled in favour of the controversial Independence Aqueduct project, saying water concessions to the state and federal government to pump water from the river were legal.

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Mexico-Yaqui-Indigenous-Tribe-Travels-11-Days-to-Defend-Water-20150522-0015.html

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EZLN: Political Economy from the Zapatista Communities II

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EZLN: Political Economy from the Zapatista Communities II

Words of Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés. Seminar “Critical Thought Versus the Capitalist Hydra,” May 5, 2015

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Good afternoon to everyone, compañerascompañeros, brothers and sisters.

In response to what we have been listening to yesterday, and the day before, we have been commenting in the commission of compañeros and compañeras of the CCRI, that it seems to us that you can see there what it is that we want to do. This is the reason all of us are here, and if we haven’t been dreaming or sleeping, then we are thinking about the things that we have discussed, what the compas and brothers and sisters already brought up and talked about. They have already told us a lot about what this hydra is. So the question is what do we need to do against it?

Organize ourselves. When we give this response, organize ourselves, it means that our brain is already telling us what must be done first, and then second, and third, and fourth, and so on. And so, it’s an idea, when it is in your head it is an idea. Now, when you move your tongue, then it is in your words. What is still missing is action, that is, to organize. Now when you are organizing yourselves, watch out, because it isn’t going to come out like you thought in the idea, or like you said in the word. You are going to begin to encounter a lot of barriers, a lot of challenges.

Because if we don’t organize ourselves, we’re going to get to the year 2100, well, that is, those of us who are going to get there, and we’ll still be talking about ideas, words, and thoughts while capitalism has kept on, where were those of us who criticized capitalism so much? Where will we be if that’s how things are?

Ok, this is what we were reflecting on among the compas of the CCRI, of the Sixth Commission of the EZLN.

We’re going to continue sharing about yesterday’s theme, about how the economy works in the struggle, in the resistance of the Zapatista men and women, but in practice, not in theory. From our practice we take the little bit of theory that we are sharing for now.

For example, this is how we work, we don’t receive anything from the government, in fact we don’t even speak to the government, not a single base of support does so. Even if they murder us, we don’t speak to the bad government. How do we deal with what we need to tell bad government? One way is through the public denunciations that the Good Government Councils make so that the bad governments get the message. And if not, well then in the Zapatista community radios, because as we were discussing yesterday, the government has its spies, its ears, and there is someone who is recording the messages on the Zapatista community radios, and so we put this information there. There’s also another way, but we’ll talk about that later.

We seldom deal in money. For example, we don’t have a choice when we have mobilizations, because we have to pay for the gasoline with pesos, they don’t accept kilos of maize or beans. And this is what we fight, what we combat. Everything that I’m going to be discussing here through examples, happens through a lot political and ideological work, a lot of explaining, a lot of conversation about the importance of and necessity for what we want to do.

For example, education. I’m going to tell you how we came up with our education process for the Zapatista school. A compañero who is a formador [teacher trainer] in the zone spent six months in the caracol training the education promotores and promotoras [like teachers, but literally ‘promoters’], where hundreds of students, student-future teachers go to be trained.

And so this compa who is an education formador went to see his family. When he got to his father’s house he said, “I’m here, papa.” And the father of this compa formador asked, “Did you bring your maize? Did you bring your beans? Because here you don’t have anything,” And the formador said:

-But what do you mean?

-What do I mean? Well you aren’t working.

-How can you say I’m not working papa, if I am working there with the compas?

– What did your compas give you? If your work is a benefit that we offer, then why don’t they also think about the fact that here you also have to have something here to be able to live.

-No, the thing is that we are in the struggle too – said the compa.

– Yes but we also need to survive in order to struggle.

– Yes – said the compa formador.

-You know what my son? – said the father – Son, you need to go back there. Speak to the autonomous authorities, because if you don’t it’s going to continue on this way, without organization.

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And so the compa had to go back and talk to the Good Government Council, and the Good Government Council organized with the compañeros who were in ‘the commission,’ which is what we call the vigilance commission and the information commission, that is, the compas, compañeros and compañeras of the CCRI. They organized and began to discuss this problem because well, it is a problem.

And the junta and the CCRI say, yes it is true, this work takes a long time and will keep taking time, and so we need to figure out how to make it work. And so the discussion began there about what to do.

– Well, we need to take it out of the little that we have.

-But how long will it last, the little bit that we have?

– No well, it will only last about a year.

And so they started to think about the problem until they came up with an idea. For example, the zone works collectively, all of the bases of support who live there participate in collective work projects. So the Junta’s proposal is that the bases of support from the community of the education promotor or formador don’t go to do their collective work project, and that instead they work in the cornfield, the bean field, the coffee field, and the pasture of the formador’s family. That way the formador will have maize, beans, coffee, a few animals, but it is the other compa bases of support that will do this work and that way he can have what he needs to live on. So they don’t provide pay, they aren’t giving a salary to the compañero and compañera education formador, and they do the same thing for the people who train the compañero and compañera health promotores.

Other compañeros, compañeras in other zones, live in different situations. For example in the Selva Fronteriza Zone or the Selva Tzeltal Zone the situation isn’t the same situation as it is for the compas in Los Altos; it is very different. So there are zones where they work collectively in cattle raising, and so when the compañeros try to organize their first steps, there are some things that they realize immediately.

For an example of what I am talking about, for the collective work at the zone level, the thing is that the communities are really far away, and the compañeros have to spend a lot of money in order to get to the location where they do the collective work. Since this costs a lot, what the compas decided to do is distribute the tasks, but the work itself is collective. So let’s imagine that this is a zone, imagine this building is a zone, but each community is very far way, some of them are 10 hours by car. So the compas come to an agreement. It might be the case that there are different collective work projects, there is a bakery over here, over there in that corner is a shoemaker, over in a another spot there is the farm that grows x thing, and then over there another collective project for the zone. So all of the communities, the bases, go and work at the collective project that is closest to them, in order to avoid having extra expenses, and then just the representatives meet to discuss how things are going.

The point is that there isn’t anyone who doesn’t work collectively. And in case you have this doubt or some day it occurs to you to ask, what happens with the people who don’t want to do the collective work? We don’t force anyone to work. We don’t force them, we simply say to them, “that is fine, compañero, compañera, if you don’t want to, but as a Zapatista, when we need to cooperate for something, you will have to pay out of your own pocket.”

And in our deeds and our practices, this is how the compas have managed to survive and this is how they have built their movement, the compañeros. And it is how the ones who don’t want to do the collective work have integrated themselves as well.

It is the same thing in these zones that work collectively in cattle-raising. All of the collective work that they do is for the struggle, for the movement for autonomy. Here what we learned in practice is that what we were doing wasn’t working, that is, we made a mistake, we failed when we required 100% collective work. We saw that this didn’t work because there were complaints, there were a lot of problems.

The complaints were that there wasn’t any salt, or there was no soap. Complaints that the products of the harvest weren’t distributed on time. Complaints that compas who had many children were apportioned equal amounts tocompas who had few children. And so this all made us realize that it would be better if the communities, the regions, the autonomous municipalities, and the zone come to an agreement about how they wanted to work.

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The point is that they want time for the family and time for the collective. That is how the compas work. For one example we could take cattle-raising. When I talk about cattle-raising, there is not just one way of doing this. There are, for example, cattle collectives who do cattle breeding; others who don’t, who just purchase the young bulls, have them for a few months and sell them, take their profit and buy another, as if they were trading goods.

There are zones that also work in shoe making, where the compas make shoes. There the compas were very critical of and called out the others, the ones who do cattle raising, saying that the skins of the cattle that they eat, or who die, just rot there, the skins of horses, donkeys, mules, that there they are just lost because they don’t know how to tan them. And so the compas tried to find someone to teach them how to do the tanning but no one wanted to do it, because they were looking for a teacher at the place that buys the skins. Well, maybe you all know someone who can teach us.

Another form of Zapatista economy—and who knows why the compas put it like this—but the autonomous banks like the BANPAZ, BANAMAZ, well now they call them BAC, for Banco Autonomo Comunitario (Autonomous Community Bank). There are two ideas at play in these banks. One is about having basic necessities like soap, salt, sugar, and that type of thing. The bank is for the money that the compas have once they sell their beans, corn, pig, whatever they have, so they can put that money into their local supply store. That way, the money that they make selling their products goes into the collective cooperative and this little bit that they make goes toward the movement for autonomy, or the struggle, and not to the partidistas [party-followers or party loyalists].

So this is what they do in the BAC or the autonomous banks. Because before when they had to borrow money from someone, Zapatista or not, they were charged up to 15% interest per month, meaning they were taken advantage of. That is why the compas created this fund, this autonomous bank, for health issues and for commerce. Thecompañeros have had problems in this area; don’t think it has gone perfectly. But these problems are being improved, and if there are good things, it is because of the decisions of the people in the communities, men and women.

For example, if I borrow 10 thousand pesos from the autonomous bank for a family health problem, and my child or my wife is cured, I pay 2% interest. If they aren’t cured, if my child or wife passes away, then the money lent is also lost; I don’t have to pay it back. This is an agreement that they made in the zone, that if someone dies, then the money doesn’t have to be paid back.

Where does the fund in the autonomous bank come from? There are different ways that the compas create these funds in different zones. For example, one agreement that they have made in order to not place a big burden on the compas, the bases, is that they agreed that each base of support should pay one peso per month. Or, that is to say that this month, in May, I should deposit one peso, and then in June I deposit another peso. As a base of support, I pay 12 pesos per year, and given that there are thousands of us, then there are 12 thousand or 15 thousand pesos at the end of the year. This money is what goes into the fund, into the autonomous bank.

Money also comes from the donations made by our brothers and sisters, compañeros and compañeras in solidarity. One part of these donations goes into this fund, into the autonomous bank, and another part goes to the collective work projects in the zone.

Another way to acquire resources is through agreements in the zones. When it is time to sell the harvest, be it coffee or corn, they agree that, for example, each base of support contribute 80 kilos of corn, or 50 kilos of beans, and then they sell it by the ton and the money from the sale goes into the fund. Then they decide whether to deposit this fund in the autonomous bank or to invest it in something else.

Another thing that the compas do by zones is collective work in the cornfield, or collective work in the coffee grove, and then they sell those harvests as another form of income.

Ok, so there is something else that we want to share here, so that some day when you are struggling if the same thing happens to you, you are aware that such things go on. Yesterday we were talking about NGOs, and we said that there were fewer projects than there used to be, but this isn’t because there are no longer NGOs or because NGOs don’t manage projects anymore, they’re still there. It is because there was something going on that we didn’t like. A few years ago, an NGO came to the compas in the Good Government Council. They proposed to do a health project, and the compas agreed; there were 400 thousand pesos in the project. Later they came back to explain how the project would work, but this time the person who came was a different member of the NGO and so the Good Government Council asked to see the project paperwork and the information about the total resources for the project.

– You don’t have it yet? They asked.

– No, that is why we are asking for it.

– Oh, it’s my pleasure to give it to you.

And so they went and got it and gave it to us, and the project had a budget of 1 million 400 thousand pesos. And so we saw that this NGO was giving us 400 thousand pesos and keeping 1 million for themselves. Of course, it was to pay the light bill, they said later, to pay the rent, and I don’t know what else. And so from that moment we started to think that, I don’t know exactly how to put it into words, but isn’t NGO supposed to mean Non-Governmental Organizations?

And so there are these people who latch on to those who are struggling against injustice, inequality, misery and all the rest. Smart, huh?

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From this moment on, the compas let the Juntas of the zone know that they had to be careful. Now we ask each NGO that comes to present their projects for the total budget. Sometimes they say “oh, we will bring it to you,” and years pass and they haven’t managed to bring it to us, they must not be able to find their car.

And so that’s what happened. Some stayed, and they are here accompanying the compas on the Good Government Councils. But that isn’t to say that there aren’t NGOs out there funding themselves through projects, maybe even saying that they are working with the Zapatista autonomous municipalities in rebellion, but whatever, that’s their problem.

I will give you an example of another way that the compas are able to gather resources, which has to do with health, because the compas of the Good Government Councils made an agreement with some doctors who provide assistance. The doctors told us that there are two types of surgeries, minor and major, and that the minor surgeries cost somewhere between 20 to 25 thousand pesos and the major surgeries cost much more. So the doctors who provide assistance to the compas go to the autonomous hospitals and do surgeries.

It really is a huge help because they use their saws and remove what needs to be removed and that’s it; the compasdon’t have to pay. The compas are only responsible for the cost of the antibiotics, which they take afterwards to avoid infection, and which only cost about a thousand or twelve hundred pesos. In other words, it is a major savings.

Another way they gather funds, as I already mentioned, is that word gets around. It gets around the communities, and yesterday we were talking about this, about how the partidistas go to the Zapatista hospitals because they don’t have a doctor, they don’t have a surgeon, and word gets around about how the compas are organized, so all of the partidistas go to the hospital where the doctors in solidarity come to work. And so what the compas have done is that in a zone assembly they decided that they have to charge something, but they also don’t want to charge too much.

For example, if the doctor says that a surgery is worth 6 thousand pesos, then the partidista will have to pay 3 thousand. And if they say that a surgery is worth 8 thousand, then the partidista has to pay 4 thousand. This way the partidista is still saving money, because otherwise in another hospital they would be paying between 20 and 25 thousand pesos.

This is one way that they try to have some income, revenue. There are zones that have work collectives that make crafts. There are compañeras in the zones that work in cattle raising collectives or who sell food, doing collective work periodically when there are particular events. For example, each time we have a party, the food vendor collective is there selling food.

In this collective work, as we call it in the zone, the compañero authorities of the Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities in Rebellion and the Good Government Councils are the ones responsible for promoting, motivating, and seeking out advising support and encouragement from the compas from the Clandestine Committee.

Now the compa bases of support also participate, making proposals in the assembly about the kinds of collective work that can be done. These collective work projects that we are discussing have really helped us to understand and truly monitor our government, because they are the ones that administer the projects, our government, the Good Government Council, or the MAREZ. And because this work comes from the sweat of the people, then thecompas demand clear accounting from their authorities, of how much came in, how much was spent, what it was spent on, and how much was left. And they don’t leave their authorities alone; they are accountable to the people, and you can imagine what happens if there is money missing. Because now instead of going to jail one does collective work, because that person has to pay in collective work what they stole or spent.

In the collective work that we do, because we are talking about hundreds of men who go to work, small problems arise that quickly become big ones. For example, I know that there is going to be work in the cornfield and so I need a machete [inaudible], but then this compa brings an enormous machete. What’s the point? The point is when I am working, well the regular machete doesn’t reach very far, and the guy who has the enormous machete can cover more ground, or that is to say that he thinks he is very sneaky because he can do less work. And so when this happens, the authority, or the person in charge of the collective work, assigns 2 meters to each person, and well, that means that the person who tried to be sneaky by bringing a bigger or smaller tool screws himself.

Because it is these types of things that discourage people, demoralize them, cause problems, and they start saying “why did the manager allow that? Because it is his brother-in-law, his father-in-law,” and this type of thing, right? And they look for how to resolve them. And sure, others are smoking cigarettes and others file their machetes a lot to waste time, meaning there is no shortage of ways people try to be sneaky. I hope this doesn’t happen to you because if it does you aren’t going to be laughing.

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And so the point is, like we were saying yesterday, that we can’t let this go. We are very stubborn, very hard-headed. We don’t abandon the issue. We seek out a solution, advising and clarifying and explaining things, and that is how we continue along.

For the collective work projects that we are discussing, what has really helped us a lot is working this way, where the month is divided into 10 days of collective work and 20 days of family work. Each person agrees. Someone might say no, 5 days for collective work and 25 for the work of the family. But each place makes their agreement, at the level of the community, or the region, or autonomous municipalities, or zone. These are the four levels at which the collective work projects happen, which is to say there are four levels of assemblies, we could say, four levels at which to come to agreement.

And so what we are discussing here, compas, what gives us strength is the fact that we are organized. We are organized in everything and we share the same thinking, which is that we all remind ourselves that here we need to resolve our own problems. We don’t think that anyone is going to resolve them for us, not the government or anyone. And so, compañeros and compañeras, we have to resolve this problem, we have to do this work. We have to think, we have to discuss, we have to analyze, we have to encourage, we have to consult the bases of support. Really the compañeros have developed this profoundly, they have even developed the mechanisms for doing it, because it is a process.

Note that while we have been here, there has been proposal from the Good Government Council, and we as the authorities who are here understand the great importance and need for this, but our bases do not yet know, and so we need to go back and inform them. And so it will take us 10 or 15 days, and then we will have another assembly and see how it turns out. That is, there are processes that we must go through in order to make a decision, but what makes this possible, the fact that we manage to do it, is because we are organized.

The organization is what unites us. That is why this thing we say, to organize yourselves, is so importantBut once you try, the first question is what are we going to do, how are we going to do it and there will be a mountain of problems, you’ll see, which is why we are having this conversation. Because those of you here who are going to try to organize are really going to have to have guts, because you’ll see, you might be the first one to abandon the process. And when I say abandon, it could be for many different reasons, it might be that you will steal what your people have, or that it turns out that you are only good at yelling at people but not at working, that you only make demands and yell but you yourself do nothing. Or it could be the opposite, that you work like crazy and you look at your people and they aren’t following your example and so you ask yourself, “well, why am I killing myself here?”

You will see that what we are telling you is true, when you try do it, and that is why we are telling you this, because this is how it is, there isn’t any other way. Even though you might want to try to find one, there just isn’t any other way. There is this idea of what they call disobedience, or, the idea that you must disobey the system. How? Thecompa bases of support, now they are disobeying, and the government has no entry there, not in politics, nor in ideology, and with regards to economy we come out about even really, because we don’t pay millions in taxes, millions of pesos, but we also don’t receive the millions that they say they give out, and so that is why we say that it more or less equals out. But the government has no entry into our cultural or social life.

So I can see that your eyes are starting to look like little armadillo eyes. Tomorrow we’ll continue and (inaudible).

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The Survival of the Species From Indigenous Struggle to Ecosocialism

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The Survival of the Species

From Indigenous Struggle to Ecosocialism

by QUINCY SAUL and HUGO BLANCO

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The epic life of Hugo Blanco requires an epic introduction. None could do better than Eduardo Galeano:

“Hugo Blanco was born for the first time in Cuzco, 1934. He arrived in Peru, a country divided in two. He was born in the middle. He was white, but he was raised in Huanoquite, a town where his friends in games and adventures all spoke Quechua. He went to school in Cuzco, where the Indios couldn’t walk on the sidewalks, which were reserved for decent people. Hugo was born for the second time when he was ten years old. He received news from his town, and learned that Bartolome Paz had branded an indigenous peasant with a hot iron. This owner of land and people had branded his initials with fire on the buttocks of a peasant, named Francisco Zamata, because he hadn’t tended well to the cows on his property. This wasn’t so unusual in fact, but that brand marked Hugo forever. And as the years passed, this man who wasn’t Indio started becoming one; he organized campesino unions and paid with beatings, tortures, prisons, harassment and exile his chosen disgrace. . . Hugo Blanco has walked his country backwards and forwards, from the snowy mountains to the dry coasts, passing through the humid jungles where the natives are hunted like beasts. And wherever he has gone, has helped the fallen to get up, the silenced to speak. The authorities accused him of being a terrorist. They were right. He sowed terror among the owners of lands and peoples. He slept under the stars and in cells occupied by rats. He went on fourteen hunger strikes. . . More than once, the prosecutors demanded the death penalty, and more than once the news was published that Hugo had died. And when a drill opened up his skull, because a vein had burst, Hugo awoke in panic that the surgeons may have changed his ideas. But no. He continued to be, with his skull sewed up, the same Hugo as always. His friends are sure that no transplant of ideas would work. But we did fear that that Hugo would wake up sane. But here he is – he continues to be that beautiful madman who decided to be Indio, even though he wasn’t, and wound up being more Indio than anyone.”

— Eduardo Galeano, excerpts from passages quoted in Lucha Indiegna #105, May 2015

Quincy Saul:  We read in Lucha Indigena and other publications that in Peru today roughly 20% of the national territory has been ceded to foreign mining interests. We read also about the Guardians of Lakes, and the people resisting mining in Cajamarca. What are the lessons for the world that are emerging from these struggles?

Hugo Blanco: We all learn from the struggles in Peru and in the rest of the world. From the 4th to the 8th of August of 2014, we were gathered in Cajamarca weaving international alliances. The dominant system’s means of communication hide our struggles or lie about them. They are spokespeople for the enemies of humanity and nature. So one of our great tasks is to broadcast what is really happening.

The diffusion of our news awakens national and international solidarity. This international solidarity is manifested in actions of all kinds: Declarations, conferences, publications, public gatherings, and marches, all of which seek to stop the attack on the defenders of Water and Life.

“Lucha Indigena” has economic limitations – we could do much more if we had more resources, if we had a local in the capital of the country, where in addition to selling the periodical we could sell pamphlets, shirts, stickers, as we have done at times when we have received some money. We would screen some of the many movies about the struggle, host conferences, and organize debates. We would have more possibilities of weaving networks.

We would show reality, the truth of the facts: That so-called “progress” and “development” are predatory to nature; they use up all the water necessary for small-scale agriculture, (which feeds people good food) and they are leading us towards the extinction of the species. Now, there is a small network of comrades at an international level which has understood this and is beginning a collaboration with “Lucha Indigena.” To communicate with them, write to the Colombian comrade Manuel Rozental, or to the Uruguayan comrade Raul Zibechi.[1]

QS: You have said that you used to think the revolution would come in the distant future, but when you learned about climate change you realized that revolution will have to come within your lifetime. The climate scientists agree, and give us a short timeline (a 2015 carbon emissions peak). Is this a pipe dream? You have said that this revolution is possible, but not certain.[2] How can we save the world in so short a time? How can we do it while also staying true to what the Zapatistas call “the speed of democracy”?

HB: Before I thought that if my generation didn’t make the revolution, then future generations would make it. What I now see is that there will not be future generations, if transnational corporations continue to govern the world. The only thing that interests them is profit, and it is with this single objective that they direct all technical and scientific advances, attacking nature more and more. If this continues, the human species may not last another 100 years.

I believe that the capitalist system today, in its neoliberal stage, has entered into its final crisis, an economic, ethical and political crisis. Some call it a “crisis of civilization.” This crisis can conclude in two ways: One in which a unified humanity kicks the transnational corporations out of the governments of the world, and directs its own destiny. The other way is if humanity cannot do this, and the government of transnationals exterminates humanity, including of course all the components of the governing transnationals. This is why I said that before I fought for social equality, and now I fight for something more and more important – the survival of my species.

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QS: How can the revolutionary ideologies of the industrial working class (Marxist-Leninism, etc) work together with the revolutionary cosmovisions of indigenous peoples? One sees revolution as progress, the other as return. (Not return to the past, which as you have said is impossible, but “a return to the principles of communal society on the continent before the invasion.”[3]) One seeks mastery over nature, the other seeks harmony within it. In your life you have embodied and encompassed both, so you are in a rare and unique position to answer this question. It is an ideological-spiritual question, but also a practical-strategic one — must indigenous peoples join the industrial working class in a factory system? Or must factory workers join indigenous nations in subsistence living?

HB:  Now that we have begun to talk of Marxism, let’s talk about him. I respect Marx a great deal, he has been one of my fundamental teachers. It is he who best analyzed capital, and has taught us the method of dialectical materialism. When they asked him if he was a Marxist, he said that Marxism didn’t exist. What happened is that since we came from Christianity, we were left without a Bible, and there are those who are looking for a substitute. I admire and respect Marx and his teachings, but I don’t take his writings as a Bible.

Marx was a human being, capable of being wrong, such as when he thought that since socialism would come after the development of capitalism, the revolution would be made in England or in another developed country. Fortunately Lenin was not dogmatic, and he understood that the chain could be broken in its weakest link, and was one of the drivers of the Russian revolution. Departing from this same premise, Marx said that he thought that the conquest of India by the English was positive – I am not in agreement with this.

But we don’t forget that Marx talked about “primitive communism.” We also don’t forget the admiration and respect that Engels had for the primitive “gens.”

José Carlos Mariategui got to know the indigenous community, but this didn’t fit the Stalinist “official line” of the “revolution in stages:” “First the democratic-bourgeois revolution against feudalism supporting the ‘progressive bourgeoisie’, and later the socialist revolution.” To this he said “the revolution in Peru will be socialist or it will not be.” We don’t forget that in his most famous work “Seven Essays,” two of them are dedicated to the indigenous, “El Problema del indio,” and “El problema de la tierra.”

In terms of Lenin, he is another of my great teachers. However, I believe the necessity of a party is relative. On the point of “the dictatorship of the proletariat”, I am not for any dictatorship. We have seen in Russia how it turned into the dictatorship of a bloody bureaucracy that massacred the proletariat and buried the revolution.

Marx said that it is better to see reality than to read 100 books. As I respect him, I follow his advice – and what do I see? That because of the treason of Social Democracy and Stalinism, vigorous workers’ revolutions were destroyed, as in Austria and Spain. The bourgeoisie read Marx too, and it knew that the proletariat would be its gravedigger. So it fought back with outsourcing, (so that the worker wouldn’t be able to claim an increase in wages from the factory owner, because the owner didn’t contract the worker) with the hierarchal organization that divides workers, and with automation, etc. Meanwhile, capital is ferociously attacking nature, and those who are most connected to nature are the indigenous peoples, who use their collective organization to struggle in its defence.

Trotskysm? Trotsky said that Trotskyism doesn’t exist. The organization of the Fourth International sought to revindicate the revolutionary tradition against the distortions of Marxism, which the bureaucracy made for its own interests. They predicted that if the workers in the cities and the country didn’t recover power in the Soviet Union, it would fall into the hands of capitalism. Unfortunately, this happened – the principal leaders of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union became the most important neoliberal capitalists. The objective of “Trotskyism” was to combat the soviet bureaucracy which governed the communist parties of the world. As those bureaucracies have disappeared, why be a Trotskist? I have to join with those who are fighting against the neoliberal system, fundamentally in defense of nature. Naturally everything I have learned from what is called “Trotskyism” I continue to use, such as confrontations against bureaucracies. But it would be stupid to tell the youth: “In the last century there as a debate in the Left.” I have to tell them about the attack on the environment and how to struggle in its defense. Trotskyist comrades in France and Spain have joined with non-Trotskyist revolutionaries in the same organization, which seems correct to me.

51hv40E4vXL._SY344_BO1,204,203,200_QS: In “Land or Death: The Peasant Struggle in Peru” you talk about your “syndicalist deviation” and failure to build the Party.[4] In more recent writings you express opposition to all forms of vanguardism. This is a two part question: Tell us about how your ideas about organization have changed. And what is the most appropriate form for revolutionary organization in the 21st century? You have said that “we must braid together internationally the defense of Mother Earth.”[5]How?

HB:  The indigenous campesino struggle in the valleys of La Convencion and Lares was successful. Our slogan was “Land or Death!” We got the land. It was the first land reform in Peru, from 1961-1963 (the Velasco land reform was in 1971). It was the most complete. We didn’t leave a single handful of earth to the latifundistas, and didn’t pay them a cent. We struggled against the latifundistas, against the government, against the police and against the courts. It cost us lives and jail, but we were victorious.

At that time I thought it was a deficiency to not have built the party. But I don’t think so anymore. As the Zapatistas say, everyone will see in their time and place how to do things. If we believe we should build a party, we should do it, and if we don’t think it’s convenient, we shouldn’t. But if we construct a party, it must be the base of the party which commands, not the leaders. I repeat another Zapatista concept: Command by obeying (Mandar obedeciendo). I believe that in Peru today a party is not necessary. In other places it could be necessary.

How can we weave the defense of Mother Earth together internationally? From August 4-8th, we were occupied with this question in Cajamarca. There was an international gathering in defense of water. There were people form Colombia, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, France, Basque Country, Cataluna, and Holland. After the debates we constituted an international network, and thousands of us walked to visit the lakes (at an altitude of 4000 meters) which the Conga mining project (that has the government, parliament, courts, police and the big media as its servants) is trying to destroy. There is also another smaller and more condensed international network, with many points of view in common, which I am part of.

hqdefaultQS: You have written extensively about the Zapatistas. Other former guerrilas like Raquel Guitérrez Aguilar have written about how the Zapatista uprising in 1994 was a personal and political turning point for them. Was it the same for you? What’s the relationship between Zapatismo and ecosocialism? Can we say that Zapatistas are ecosocialists, even if not all ecosocialists are Zapatistas?

HB:  The Zapatistas are the best socialists I have met, with their seven principles of commanding by obeying. In the Zapatista territories, they elect not individual authorities, but groups, who are replaced after a short time. No authority at any level ever gains a cent. They are ecologists; they eat the food they grow themselves, and they don’t use agrochemicals or GMOs. They are ecosocialists even though they don’t use the term.

QS: People all over the world see South America has a region of hope for revolutionary change. Is there promise in Venezuela’s adoption of ecosocialism as official government policy? You have written about how the indigenous peoples of South America are often fighting against ‘Socialism of the 21st century’.[6] But we also can’t deny that indigenous peoples have more rights and recognition under these current regimes than ever before.

HB: We give energetic support to the “progressive” governments of South America in their rising up against North American imperialism and against internal reaction. But we fight them when they attack indigenous peoples, when they capitulate to the transnationals, or when they attack democracy. I cite some examples of “Socialism of the 21st Century”:

VENEZUELA: The indigenous Yukpa people have been trampled with the invasion of their lands by capitalist cattle ranchers. They have complained repeatedly throughout the era of Chavez, and were never given attention. An assassin hired by the ranchers killed their implacable leader Sabino Romero three days before the death of Chavez. The Bolivarian army protected the assassin’s flight. The indigenous Wayu people near the border with Colombia are also treated as hostile by the army. On paper it may call itself ecosocialist. I pay attention to what they do, not what they say.

BOLIVIA: The indigenous peoples have had a long struggle against Morales, who tried to open a highway through Tipnis, trampling indigenous populations and natural reserves. The government used police aggression in repressing the protests. Other popular sectors supported their struggle, until the government had to retreat. They have put forward a mining law which favours corporations without consulting the mostly indigenous farmers.

ECUADOR: In the Ecuadorian constitution the rights of Mother Earth are considered, but in practice they promote their depredation. Correa is trying to impose mining in Cabecera de Cuenca, like the Conga project in Quimsacocha (Tres Lagunas). The indigenous people took me to the lakes, where we made offerings. Ecuador is also trying to exploit the oil in the natural reserve and indigenous territory of Yasuni, against the will of the majority of the country.

Of the other countries we’ll mention only few things:

BRAZIL: Even though it has a constitutional mandate, the government refuses to give titles of land possession to indigenous peoples, favoring the usurpation of their territories by agribusiness, as it destroys the Amazon rainforest.

URUGUAY: Has approved a predatory mining law.

ARGENTINA: Is promoting Yankee fracking against the persistent resistance of the Mapuche people.

In this revolutionary intransigence of not reconciling with capitulation, and being against opportunism, one could say that I continue to be a “Marxist-Leninist-Trotskist,” even though I don’t identify myself that way anymore.

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QS: You seem to be ambivalent about the term “ecosocialism”. You have written that “in South America we cannot use the term ‘eco-socialist’,”[7] but also you have written many things in favor of ecosocialism. In 2009 in Belem, you began to call yourself an ecosocialist. Tell us how you came to this, how it emerged from your earlier experience and political philosophies, and how do you see it developing locally and internationally in the century to come?

HB: Of course I am an ecosocialist, as are the indigenous peoples, even though they don’t use the term. I believe along with indigenous peoples that it is the collective which rules, not the individual. The indigenous peoples and I defend Mother Nature, water, and forests, so we are ecologists.

What I have said is that the word “socialist” has been prostituted. By Michelle Bachelet, who used in her first government a Pinochet “anti-terrorist” law against the Mapuche people, and by the governments of so-called “21st Century Socialism” in the anti-indigenous cases mentioned above. And in the so-called “First World” the term “socialist” has been used by Tony Blair, invader of Iraq, by José Zapatero in Spain, to implant neoliberalism, and now the neoliberal government of France as well calls itself “socialist.”

I don’t have any ambivalence: I consider myself an ecosocialist, and I repeat, I believe that the indigenous peoples of the world are struggling and dying for their ecosocialist conviction, even though they don’t use the term. 

QS: Ecosocialism is a relatively new revolutionary ideology and worldview, even as it draws on ancient roots. Having participated in and witnessed almost a century of the development of other revolutionary ideologies, how would you advise ecosocialists to think, work and organize themselves? What are some pitfalls to avoid, obstacles to overcome, horizons to aim for, visions to dream of?

HB: Earlier I indicated that I don’t believe in “the correct line.” I don’t consider myself “the vanguard”, and I don’t even believe in it. I am about 80 years old, and when I was young I enjoyed learning from the elders. Now that I am an elder I enjoy learning from the young and from children. This is not an ingenuous turn of phrase, it is the truth. We elders have a lot in our memory, and we consciously or unconsciously return to it to find solutions to current problems. The young person confronts the problems of their times spontaneously. It’s very possible that they’ll be right and I’ll be wrong.

With that said, I’ll give my opinions: We are struggling against the large transnational corporations that govern the world. We know that their sacred principle, which they will sacrifice any other consideration in order to fulfill, is “to gain more money in as little time as possible.”They know very well that the attack against nature to gain more money will carry us to extinction, but this is much less important than the fulfillment of their sacred principle.

LuchaIndigena98This is the true morality of the system. Derived from this is the ultra individualism which the system teaches us, even though it doesn’t say so clearly: If you can take your brother’s inheritance, do it. The sooner your parents die, the better; you’ll get the inheritance. You should the best,the victor; in order to ascend you have to crush the heads of others. Bullying is the beginning of the moral apprenticeship of this system; it does not exist among indigenous peoples (and for those who are interested, look up “Ubuntu” on the internet.)

We know that these transnational corporations have at their service the governments of the world, the parliamentary majorities, the armies, the police, the judicial powers, the supreme courts, and the means of communication. There are governments who resist a little because of pressure from below; they make a fuss, but in the end they capitulate.

It is against this that we must struggle, in defense of nature, of humanity and its survival. Our strength is that there are more of us below – if we awake and unite, the triumph will be ours. Let us join hands with those at the bottom of the whole world. We must be consistent in unmasking all the governments.

Our goal is that humanity governs itself, without bosses, without leaders. Loving, respecting, and caring for our Mother Nature. Everyone loving and respecting each other. You are my other I. Everyone in their time and place will see how to struggle. There can be organizations of local resistance, parties; provincial, national and international networks. “Wanderer, there is no path – the path is made by walking.”[8]

Quincy Saul is the author of Truth and Dare: A Comic Book Curriculum for the End and the Beginning of the World, and the co-editor of Maroon the Implacable: The Collected Writings of Russell Maroon Shoatz. He is a musician and a co-founder of Ecosocialist Horizons.

Hugo Blanco is leader of the Confederación Campesina del Perú (CCP, Campesino Confederation of Peru), leader of Trotsky’s Fourth International[1][2] and author of numerous books including Land or Death: The Peasant Struggle in Peru.

Notes.

[1]    raulzibechi@gmail.com / em_rozental@yahoo.com

[2]    “Impidamos la extincion de la especie humana” by Hugo Blanco

[3]  “12 de octubre Día de la resistencia ¡Fuera minería del Perú!” by Hugo Blanco

[4]  “The great deficiency in our work in La Convencion and in Cuzco was the absence of a well-organized party. Our failure to broaden the movement, the lack of a more correct view of the process, the putschist deviation of some comrades, the very poor organization of the armed struggle, were symptoms first and foremost the absence of a party, of a vanguard nucleus whose capabilities would correspond to the magnitude of the peasant movement that developed… As for the absence of the party in the countryside, it is indisputable that this was due to a serious syndicalist deviation on my part, produced not by an erroneous conception on this matter, but by other causes…” (1972, p36)

[5]    “Hoja de vida de Hugo Blanco” by Hugo Blanco

[6]    “Let’s Save Humanity from Extinction,” by Hugo Blanco, Capitalism Nature Socialism, July 2013

[7]    “Let’s Save Humanity from Extinction,” by Hugo Blanco, Capitalism Nature Socialism, July 2013

[8]    From a poem by Antonio Machado.

http://www.counterpunch.org/2015/05/19/from-indigenous-struggle-to-ecosocialism/

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Frayba: La Realidad, un contesto di guerra.

Jobel, Chiapas, Messico, maggio 2015

Al Maestro Zapatista Galeano: Ad un anno dalla sua dipartita verso una Altra Realidad, il suo esempio e la sua lotta insegnano che la dignità si afferma al di là della morte.

Il territorio conteso

Dalla sua apparizione in pubblico nel 1994, l'Esercito Zapatista di Liberazione Nazionale (EZLN) ha dato conto della sistematica azione dello Stato messicano per frenare l'autogestione dei popoli autonomi che cercano di vivere in pienezza i loro diritti e cultura. Durante questi ultimi 21 anni ha denunciato pubblicamente una serie di azioni di vessazione, repressione e cooptazione che, come parte dei piani di contrainsurgencia, vogliono sottrarre simpatie all'alternativa politica, civile e pacifica che propone una nuova generazione di uomini e donne zapatisti.

Nel 2003 l'EZLN, nel quadro del rispetto degli Accordi di San Andrés in Chiapas, ha formalizzato l'inizio del governo civile rappresentato attraverso cinque sedi della Giunta di Buon Governo (JBG). Ogni governo autonomo ha sotto la sua giurisdizione diversi Municipi Autonomi Ribelli Zapatisti (MAREZ) il cui progetto si sviluppa attraverso varie Aree e Commissioni di lavoro.

Nella zona Selva di Confine, la JBG “Hacia la Esperanza” include quattro MAREZ ed ha sede nel Caracol 1 “Madre de los Caracoles, Mar de Nuestros Sueños”, nella comunità La Realidad, municipio ufficiale di Las Margaritas in Chiapas.

Da allora, le JBG hanno denunciato il modo in cui diverse organizzazioni e comunità sono passate, attraverso il logoramento, alla polarizzazione, come risultato prevedibile della guerra totale, portata avanti da tutti i governi di turno, fino ad ottenere lo scontro tra chi, in altre epoche, aveva condiviso la rivendicazione di istanze storiche sotto principi politici comuni.

In questo contesto è avvenuto il falso cambiamento di regime con la presunta alternanza nel potere simulato dalla classe politica, che mantiene intatta l'organizzazione, la struttura e la presenza sul territorio del Partito Rivoluzionario Istituzionale (PRI) nelle comunità del Chiapas, riproducendo vizi, corruttele e mantenendo nell'impunità le situazioni che esigono giustizia, che risultano utili per lo scontro con chi si oppone a mercanteggiare il territorio, come richiedono le attuali riforme strutturali in Messico, che approfondiscono ed accelerano il saccheggio del territorio a danno delle comunità.

L'uso della povertà come strumento di manipolazione

In Chiapas, anche i livelli di povertà estrema, emarginazione e oblio sono stati il veicolo del governo statale e federale per accelerare la cooptazione e la divisione comunitaria, come indicato nei piani militari per combattere l'insurrezione in Chiapas e così sottrarre possibili alleati al progetto politico zapatista per l'autonomia e la vita dei popoli indigeni.

La più visibile e reclamizzata di queste operazioni è stata realizzata il 21 gennaio 2013 nel municipio di Las Margaritas, uno dei territori emblematici del bastione zapatista nel 1994; in questo scenario il Presidente Enrique Peña Nieto, accanto al Governatore del Chiapas, Manuel Velasco Coello, ha lanciato il programma “Crociata Nazionale Contro la Fame”, uno dei tanti palliativi che lucrano sulla povertà ed alimentano la dipendenza delle popolazioni affinché persista il servilismo incondizionato.

Il programma ha già mostrato uno degli obiettivi politici, servendo per riposizionare le Forze Armate del Messico nella “zona grigia”(1), così definita per essere considerata un possibile territorio di espansione dell'insurrezione, e per generare cooptazione tra i popoli indigeni in resistenza.

All'interno della Crociata Nazionale Contro la Fame, con l'installazione dei Comitati Comunitari si è creata una struttura che ha impattato direttamente nella divisione comunitaria, soprattutto nelle zone di influenza zapatista, beneficiando nei fatti i soliti gruppi clientelari, cosa che non risolve minimamente le ancestrali domande di sovranità alimentare.

Così, l'obiettivo principale dei programmi di dipendenza dal governo è annullare la costruzione di alternative civili, garantendo la continuità della povertà, truccando gli standard di sviluppo nel marco del rispetto e garanzia dei diritti umani, cercando inoltre di nascondere le condizioni di milioni di vittime delle politiche governative.

Il suo obiettivo non è soddisfare né risolvere le cause di fondo, bensì persistere nelle fallimentari politiche populiste che sono utili per scopi elettorali, di manipolazione e controllo sociale.

In Chiapas i programmi governativi sono serviti come strumento di contrainsurgencia contro le comunità in resistenza, in particolare quelle che lottano per l'autonomia. A dimostrazione di ciò, basta leggere Luis H. Álvarez, ex titolare della Commissione per il Dialogo e la Pace in Chiapas nel governo di Vicente Fox (2000-2006) e Presidente della Commissione Nazionale per lo Sviluppo dei Popoli Indigeni (CDI) nel governo di Felipe Calderón (2006-2012), che nella sua autobiografia “Corazón Indígena” racconta le sue riunioni con presunte Basi di Appoggio dell'Esercito Zapatista di Liberazione Nazionale (BAEZLN) in diverse comunità del Chiapas. (2)

Un'altra persona all'interno del potere municiaple coinvolta nel fomentare la contrainsurgencia è Florinda Santiz, attualmente consigliere per il Partito Azione Nazionale (PAN), incaricata dal 2004 di promuovere progetti nella zona della Realidad. È stata alleata di Luis H. Álvarez ed uno dei suoi obiettivi si inserisce nella strategia di cooptazione dei leader dell'EZLN. Come egli stesso ammette relativamente all'inadempimento degli Accordi di San Andrés “il governo federale sembrava scommettere che il semplice trascorrere del tempo portasse al logoramento dell'EZLN.” (3)

La contrainsurgencia in Chiapas

In questi ultimi 21 anni di Conflitto Armato Interno, in Chiapas attualmente le strategie sono focalizzate nella guerra a largo spettro, una guerra ad impatto psicosociale dove i governi impiegano ogni mezzo per occultare le problematiche reali che il popolo organizzato denuncia. È la guerra nascosta per un verso e, per un altro verso, aperta contro il “nemico interno”. Forma un fronte comune intergovernativo con il pretesto di combattere gruppi criminali, come il narcotraffico, permesso e fomentato con il coinvolgimento diretto di funzionari del governo messicano fin dagli anni '80 ed oggi inseriti nelle strutture dei governi, municipali, statali e federale.

La strategia è mettere insieme tutte le problematiche apparenti e reali con le espressioni di dissenso e resistenza sociale per sconfiggere il dissenso ed avere una popolazione sottomessa agli interessi dell'élite dei poteri di fatto, politici ed economici. Lo scopo è creare le condizioni per l'implementazione di uno Stato repressivo che si costituisce come Stato criminale. Dove la struttura poliziesco-militare serve a reprimere le persone, organizzazioni, comunità, tra altri, che protestano ed esigono giustizia. L'azione repressiva serve a mantenerli al margine, in riga, controllati, in un contesto di guerra di sterminio contro l'umanità, dal centro e dalla periferia del sistema, nella logica della lotta al crimine organizzato o al terrorismo, con i conseguenti danni collaterali. Tutto questo permette di “amministrare” i conflitti, minimizzarli caratterizzandoli come “intercomunitari”, “religiosi” per saccheggiare i territori. In fondo si tratta di sconfiggere le azioni di resistenza contro le politiche e gli interessi dei poteri neoliberali.

La CIOAC e la contrainsurgencia

Lo scrittore e giornalista messicano Luis Hernández Navarro, a proposito della Central Independiente de Obreros Agrícolas y Campesinos, segnala:

Nel 1994 si verificò un profondo processo di decomposizione all'interno dell'organizzazione. La sollevazione dell'Esercito Zapatista di Liberazione Nazionale (EZLN) ne provocò la spaccatura. Molti si unirono alle file dei ribelli. Buona parte dei dirigenti diventarono funzionali al governo. L'organizzazione abbandonò i suoi antichi ideali e si trasformò in un apparato rurale clientelare e corporativo, dedito a negoziare progetti governativi e cercare posizioni politiche. (4)

In Chiapas, la CIOAC si è più volte spaccata; tra le sue fazioni si possono ricordare:

Histórica, Democrática, Independiente, Nueva Fuerza, Autónoma Región Quinta Norte Zoque-Tzotzil.

La maggioranza di questi gruppi hanno rappresentanti nei governi municipali e nel governo dello stato; la CIOAC-Histórica (H) “vinse” le amministrative a Las Margaritas nel 2001 con l'aiuto dei partiti ed ha governato per altri tre mandati.

I conflitti dovuti a interessi politici nell'ambito statale e municipale tra le diverse fazioni della CIOAC per occupare cariche politiche, hanno causato fatti violenti con l'uso di armi da fuoco ed armi bianche, sfociati in atti di: tortura, minacce, persecuzione, privazioni arbitrarie della libertà, anche contro membri di altre organizzazioni.

Il 14 febbraio 2014, la CIOAC-H annunciò in Chiapas la formazione di gruppi di autodifesa (5) con l'obiettivo di garantire la sicurezza e l'integrità della sua organizzazione e dei suoi dirigenti. Dopo questo annuncio, il Centro dei Diritti Umani Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas (Frayba) ha registrato l'azione paramilitare contro le BAEZLN della JBG della Realidad che ha avuto come conseguenza l'esecuzione extragiudiziale di José Luis Solís López (Maestro Zapatista Galeano).

La contrainsurgencia nel territorio zapatista della Realidad

Solo in questi ultimi anni nel territorio della JBG della Realidad, il Frayba ha documentato diversi eventi dove la contrainsurgencia del governo messicano, insieme ad agenti non statali, tenta di distruggere il progetto di autonomia delle comunità zapatiste. Di seguito riportiamo alcuni di questi fatti:

Agli inizi di gennaio 2014, durante l'avvio del corso della Escuelita “La libertà secondo le e gli zapatisti”, un camion viene sequestrato dagli affiliati ai partiti della comunità della Realidad, col pretesto che stava estraendo ghiaia senza il consenso dell'ejido; quindi le BAEZLN optano per lasciare la ghiaia all'entrata della comunità.

Il 3 marzo, due unità dei trasporti autonomi Las Margaritas-San Quintin, vengono sequestrate nel capoluogo dalle autorità della città con il pretesto di non aver rispettato il nuovo regolamento urbano.

Il 16 marzo, membri della CIOAC-H, fermano un camioncino Nissan appartenente alla JBG della Realidad usato in quel momento dalle BAEZLN per una campagna di salute presso le comunità zapatiste e non zapatiste nella regione.

Il 16 settembre, dopo l'esecuzione extragiudiziale del Maestro Zapatista Galeano, un BAEZLN riceve minacce di morte con una lettera infilata sotto la porta di casa nell'ejido della Realidad.

[…] no te podemos hablar pero por este medio te decimos cuidate. Ya sabemos que te estas llevando toda esta gente por mal camino para que nos peliemos mas ya no queremos mas sangre ni mas muerte pero si asi lo quieren se los damos. Cuidate ya sabemos quien te estas dando toda la pinche información con ese pinche chaparro que sale les esta llevando a la muerte ya date cuenta. Ya sabemos como familiar te estas pasando mas pendejo que como ese que ya le llevo. Por este paso te tocara igual. Ya sabemos que nos estan prohibiendo todo quieren mandar pero ni lo piensen. Ya sabemos que no nos quieren dar la luz por vos pendejo. Por eso cuidate ya sabemos donde trabajas donde caminas y que te estan protegiendo esas bolas de verga que dicen ser buen gobierno pero para nosotros nos bale berga. Ojalá que esto lo leas muchas veces para que te des cuenta. Señor Comisariado y todo tu componiente. (Sic)

Da luglio del 2014 al mese di maggio del 2015, membri delle Brigate Civili di Osservazione (6) hanno registrato azioni militari nel territorio della JBG, consistenti in incursioni di convogli di camion, hummer, jeep e squadre motorizzate e di elementi dell'Esercito messicano in unità formate da quattro a 30 persone. Inoltre, sorvoli radenti di aerei da turismo ed elicotteri dai quali fotografano e filmano persone e installazioni. Questa recrudescenza della contrainsurgencia si è resa visibile con la presenza dell'Esercito messicano; presenza che avviene nel contesto dell'esecuzione extragiudiziale del Maestro Zapatista Galeano, della solidarietà nazionale ed internazionale e dell'annuncio del Comando Generale dell'EZLN che avrebbe indagato su quanto successo il 2 maggio 2014.

Dai fatti riportati nei paragrafi precedenti, è evidente che le azioni di provocazione sono quotidiane, cercano lo scontro e sono inserite in una guerra integrale di logoramento avviata nello scenario dell'evento del 2 maggio 2014, perpetrato da membri della CIOAC-H, del Partito Verde Ecologista del Messico (PVEM), del PAN, quando hanno aggredito le BAEZLN nella comunità della Realidad uccidendo in forma extragiudiziale il Maestro Zapatista Galeano della Escuelita “La Libertà secondo le e gli zapatisti”; ferendo altre 14 persone (due da proiettili), distruggendo la scuola e la clinica autonoma e danneggiato i veicoli. Situazione che evidenzia una nuova tappa della guerra irregolare.

Atti di violenza contro altri attori nella regione

Il 1° dicembre 2013, Rosario Aguilar Pérez originario della comunità San Francisco El Naranjo, municipio ufficiale di Las Margaritas, è stato torturato e privato arbitrariamente della libertà dalle autorità dell'ejido San Carlos Veracruz, con l'accusa di aver trasportato nel suo veicolo una persona BAEZLN sulla strada che collega gli ejidos San Carlos Veracruz e San Francisco El Naranjo. Questa detenzione è avvenuta a seguito di “accordi comunitari” dell'ejido San Carlos Veracruz che proibiscono il trasporto e/o trasferimento di qualsiasi persona BAEZLN sulla strada sopracitata. Per riavere la libertà, il 2 dicembre 2013 Rosario ha pagato 30 mila pesos e le autorità hanno rubato una motocicletta di sua proprietà. A tutt'oggi il caso è impunito.

Il 10 febbraio 2014, è stato privato arbitrariamente della libertà Mauricio Aguilar García, di 19 anni, figlio di Rosario Aguilar Pérez, dalle autorità di San Francisco El Naranjo, per il divieto di passaggio dall'ejido San Carlos Veracruz. Il suo delitto, secondo le autorità, è stato guidare il veicolo in cui viaggiava suo padre Rosario.

Nei fatti sopra descritti, era coinvolto Gaudencio Jiménez Jiménez, che lavora nel Municipio di Las Margaritas come coordinatore del programma Microregiones, e la cui presenza è stata segnalata alla Realidad dalla JBG “Hacia la Esperanza” durante i fatti del 2 maggio 2014. È la persona che è stata segnalata come principale responsabile e fomentatore delle privazioni arbitrarie della libertà di abitanti degli ejidos San Carlos Veracruz e San Francisco El Naranjo, sulla base di accordi che violano i Diritti Umani. Inoltre, questo personaggio è legato alla Coordinadora de Organizaciones Democráticas del Estado de Chiapas (CODECH), come gestore ed autorizzatore dei progetti governativi nella regione di Las Margaritas, in complicità con Manuel de Jesús Culebro Gordillo, Presidente Municipale di Las Margaritas e presidente della CODECH, che beneficia direttamente la CIOAC-H delle risorse dei progetti. La CODECH si propone di rafforzare il PVEM e la fondazione Tierra Verde en Chiapas.

Il 6 novembre, Gaudencio Jiménez Jiménez ha aggredito e minacciato Marco Antonio Jiménez Pérez, abitante dell'ejido San Carlos Veracruz, per aver espresso la sua opposizione agli accordi presi nella comunità rispetto alla proibizione di libero transito per le BAEZLN.

Il 23 febbraio 2015, 50 membri della CIOAC-H dell'ejido Miguel Hidalgo, tra loro anche autorità ejidales, sono entrati a Primero de Agosto con armi di grosso calibro, hanno circondato le case ed hanno provocato lo sgombero forzato di 56 persone indigeni tojolabal che ora sono accampati a tre chilometri dalla strada Las Margaritas Nuevo Momón, alla deviazione per Monte Cristo Viejo, municipio di Las Margaritas. (7)

Sintesi dell'aggressione e dell'esecuzione extragiudiziale del Maestro Zapatista Galeano

Giovedì 1° maggio 2014 nell'ejido La Realidad, nella sede del Caracol 1, alle ore 11:00 era iniziato un incontro tra due membri della CIOAC-H, Alfredo Cruz, Segretario dei Trasporti e Roberto Alfaro, Segretario personale, e membri della JBG, alla presenza di due persone di questo Centro dei Diritti Umani in qualità di osservatori.

Scopo dell'incontro era trovare una soluzione al sequestro del veicolo Nissan appartenente alla JBG, trattenuto nella casa ejidale della Realidad dal 16 marzo, giorno in cui era stato bloccato da elementi della CIOAC-H dell'ejido della Realidad, capeggiati da Javier López Rodríguez, Commissario Ejidal; Carmelino Rodríguez Jiménez, Agente Municipale; appoggiati da militanti del PVEM e del PAN.

In questa riunione, la JBG sosteneva con la commissione della CIOAC-H che, come dirigenti dell'organizzazione, cercassero soluzioni pacifiche a questo problema. La commissione della CIOAC-H concordò che per procedere verso una soluzione, era necessario che un membro della CIOAC-H (Alfredo Cruz) andasse a parlare con le autorità ufficiali e con i membri della sua organizzazione dell'ejido della Realidad per cercare una soluzione al sequestro del veicolo. Al suo ritorno, Alfredo informò di non essere giunto a nessun accordo.

Data la complessità e riconoscendo la responsabilità della CIOAC-H, il Professor Roberto Alfaro chiese ad Alfredo Cruz di andare a parlare con Luis Hernández, dirigente della CIOAC-H, per informarlo della situazione presente nell'ejido La Realidad, ed esortarlo a giungere ad accordi con gli abitanti ed i membri della sua organizzazione che permettessero una soluzione in armonia. Per questo, si decise di proseguire in “riunione permanente” fino a risoluzione del problema, sempre con la presenza costante di due membri di questo Centro dei Diritti Umani in qualità di osservatori, e restando in comunicazione con la dirigenza della CIOAC-H e del Frayba, allo scopo di garantire trasparenza, equità e condizioni di sicurezza per il dialogo in corso.

I fatti del 2 maggio 2014 segnano un evento trascendentale nel contesto del Conflitto Armato Interno in Chiapas, che consiste nell'inclusione nella guerra del governo messicano contro l'EZLN, di altri attori che originariamente propugnavano la lotta campesina per il diritto alla terra. Ora i membri della CIOAC-H sono parte dello scenario di guerra, creano un gruppo armato di “autodifesa”, permesso, fomentato e rafforzato dalle strutture del governo municipale, con Manuel de Jesús Culebro Gordillo, sindaco e leader della CODECH, organizzazione che nel marzo del 2014 è entrata formalmente nelle file del PVEM attraverso la fondazione Tierra Verde A.C., organizzazione politica guidata dall'allora da poco Segretario di Governo dello Stato del Chiapas, Eduardo Ramírez Aguilar. Tutti loro sono diventati attori utili nella guerra contrainsurgente.

L'imboscata nel territorio della JBG della Realidad contro le BAEZLN, ha avuto come conseguenza l'esecuzione extragiudiziale del Maestro Zapatista Galeano. Durante l'aggressione sono state distrutte con accanimento la Clinica e la Scuola Autonoma, azioni che intendono minare l'autonomia zapatista nella sua costruzione di un altro sistema sociale e politico diverso dal decadente sistema neoliberale.

Bisogna segnalare che il Maestro Zapatista Galeano era già stato minacciato in precedenza dal Commissario Ejidale, Javier López Rodríguez, che militava nel PVEM; dall'Agente Municipale Carmelino Rodríguez Jiménez; dal Segretario del Commissario Ejidale, Edmundo López Moreno; e da Jaime Rodríguez Gómez, Eduardo Sántiz Sántiz e Álvaro Sántiz Rodríguez, membri della CIOAC-H.

Inoltre la CIOAC-H è parte operativa del governo municipale di Las Margaritas, controlla le risorse della federazione e del municipio e compie impunemente aggressioni, sgomberi forzati ed omicidi nella regione. (8)

Secondo le testimonianze documentate e corroborate da membri del Frayba presenti il 2 maggio del 2014, il primo fatto si è svolto all'entrata dell'ejido La Realidad, con l'imboscata da parte di un gruppo di 140 persone contro 68 BAEZLN che stavano tornando dai lavori collettivi nel Caracol 1. Qui le BAEZLN sono state ferite da colpi d'arma da fuoco, machete, pietre e bastoni; tre veicoli sono stati danneggiati: un camioncino Ford Ranger modello 2000, una Chevrolet modello 1985 ed un camion di tre tonnellate modello 2002.

Nel secondo fatto, testimoni hanno riferito che un gruppo di BAEZLN erano accorsi ad aiutare i compagni aggrediti e lì c'è stata la seconda aggressione con armi, bastoni e pietre, in questa imboscata è avvenuta la privazione arbitraria della libertà, tortura ed esecuzione extragiudiziale del Maestro Zapatista Galeano, pestato brutalmente oltre ad essere stato colpito da tre pallottole calibro .22, una alla gamba destra, una al petto ed una alla nuca, segno evidente di una esecuzione. Il corpo presentava diversi colpi di bastonate sulla schiena, in testa ed un fendente di machete in bocca.

Per l'esecuzione extragiudiziale del Maestro Zapatista Galeano, era stata avviata l'indagine preliminare N. 84/IN17/2014, inviata al Tribunale Secondo Penale Distretto Giudiziario di Tuxtla Gutiérrez, che apriva la procedura penale N. 123/2014. Il 25 maggio 2014 sono stati arrestati Carmelino Rodríguez Jiménez, Agente Municipale di La Realidad e Javier López Rodríguez, Presidente del Commissariato Ejidale della Realidad, fino ad ora gli unici due in carcere a El Amate (CERSS No. 14).

Altre sei persone coinvolte nell'indagine sono ancora latitanti.

Il 9 aprile 2015, il Giudice Sesto di Distretto con sede a Tuxtla Gutiérrez, ha respinto il Ricorso N.632/2014 presentato da Luis Hernández Cruz (alias Benito) e José Antonio Vázquez Hernández (alias el Camarón), leader della CIOAC-H, contro i mandati di cattura.

Conclusioni

Sulla base della situazione documentata, questo Centro dei Diritti Umani ritiene che il governo messicano è responsabile dell'esecuzione extragiudiziale, delle aggressioni e persecuzione della BAEZLN, e identifica come responsabili diretti i membri della CIOAC-H capeggiata da Luis Hernández Cruz e José Antonio Vázquez Hernández, autorità dell'ejido La Realidad e membri del PVEM e PAN, in complicità con Gaudencio Jiménez Jiménez, Florinda Santiz, e Manuel di Jesús Culebro Gordillo, funzionari pubblici dell'amministrazione municipale di Las Margaritas.

Denunciamo inoltre i seguenti funzionari di governo coinvolti nella politica di contrainsurgencia: Enrique Peña Nieto, titolare del governo federale, comandante in capo delle Forze Armate che perseguitano l'EZLN, che implementa progetti sociali che generano divisione, dipendenza ed atomizzano le comunità ed i popoli in Chiapas; Manuel Velasco Coello, governatore del Chiapas ed operatore politico dei programmi federali per l'azione di contrainsurgencia e protettore e finanziatore di organizzazioni come la CIOAC-H.

Di conseguenza, questo Centro dei Diritti Umani ritiene che il governo del Messico è responsabile:

Per il suo concorso, a diversi livelli di responsabilità e partecipazione, in azioni repressive manifestate nella violenza di Stato contro le BAEZLN.

Per la sua partecipazione diretta e indiretta, per azione e per omissione, nella commissione di crimini di lesa umanità, che si concretizzano nelle seguenti violazioni dei diritti umani: esecuzione extragiudiziale; sgombero forzato; privazione arbitraria della libertà, tortura, persecuzione per motivi politici ed etnici di un gruppo o collettività con identità propria, lesioni gravi all'integrità fisica e psicologica di popoli ed organizzazioni che lottano per la propria autonomia.

Per mancare al suo dovere di promuovere, rispettare, proteggere e garantire i diritti umani, prevenire, indagare, punire e riparare alle violazioni; e per mantenere una situazione di impunità strutturale.

In Chiapas il governo del Messico con le sue istituzioni violenta il diritto alla vita, alla sicurezza ed all'integrità della persona, alla Libera Determinazione espressa nell'Autonomia dei Popoli, basata e fondata su strumenti di stretta osservanza per lo Stato messicano come: gli Accordi di San Andrés, il Trattato no. 169 dell'Organizzazione Internazionale del Lavoro e la Dichiarazione delle Nazioni Unite sui Diritti dei Popoli Indigeni. Così come la Convenzione Americana sui Diritti Umani del 1969 ed i Patti: Diritti Civili e Politici; e Diritti Economici Sociali e Culturali del 1966 e rispettivi protocolli aggiuntivi.

Questa azione di contrainsurgencia è in stretta relazione con gli interessi del controllo del territorio e lede i diritti collettivi alla terra, al territorio, alle risorse naturali, all'autogoverno, all'autonomia ed alla libera determinazione.

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1) Bellinhausen, Herman. La actual etapa contrainsurgente inicia en Las Margaritas con la Cruzada Contra el Hambre. Jornada. http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2014/05/24/politica/016n1pol
2) H. Álvarez, Luis. Corazón indígena. Fondo de Cultura Económica. 2012. México.

3) Ibídem

4) Hernández Navarro, Luis. Hermanos en Armas. Policías Comunitarias y Autodefensa. Para leer en libertad A.C. México., p. 49

5) Declaración de la CIOAC Región III Fronteriza a las Organizaciones Indígenas. Boletín CIOAC marcha Chiapas. 14 de febrero 2014. URL disponible en: http://issuu.com/ust-mnci/docs/boletin_cioac_marcha_chiapas_14_de_

6) Frayba. Ejército mexicano hostiga a la Junta de Buen Gobierno Zapatista de la Realidad. Boletín No 7. 10 de marzo de 2015. Chiapas, México. URL disponible en: http://frayba.org.mx/archivo/boletines/150311_boletin_07_incursiones_militares.pdf

7) Frayba. Familias desplazadas del poblado Primero de Agosto en condiciones precarias. Acción urgente No. 1, 06 de abril de 2015. Chiapas, México. URL disponible en: http://frayba.org.mx/archivo/acciones_urgentes/150306_au01_actualizacion_primero_agosto.pdf

8) Frayba. Boletín 16. Agresión a Bases del EZLN en sede de la Junta de Buen Gobierno de La Realidad. 5 de mayo 2014, Chiapas, México. URL disponible en: http://www.frayba.org.mx/archivo/boletines/140505_boletin_16_agresiones_jbg.pdf

Testo originale

Traduzione a cura del Comitato Chiapas “Maribel” – Bergamo

Message de l'Eurocaravane 43 à la société civile en Europe

tags : 43, europe, pl-fr,

La délégation de l'Eurocaravana 43 a commencé sa tournée à travers 13 pays d'Europe. Pendant leur séjour à Paris ils ont donné une conférence de presse ouverte aux médias libres le 4 mai. L'Eurocaravana 43 est composée d'Omar García, l'un des 50 étudiants de l'École normale rurale Isidro Burgos -connue aussi sous le nom de Normale d'Ayotzinapa- qui ont survécu aux événements du 26 septembre 2014 à Iguala , de Don Eleucadio Ortega, père de Mauricio Ortega Valerio -l'un des 43 étudiants disparus- et de Román Hernández, membre du Centre de droits de l'homme de la Montagne Tlachinollan de Guerrero. Ceci est le message qu'ils veulent faire passer :

Román Hernández : L'objectif central de cette conférence de presse est de donner un message aux médias libres pour qu'ils le transmettent à la société civile en France. Nous avons décidé de réaliser ce parcours par différents pays d'Europe en ayant pour seul interlocuteur la société civile parce que nous avons vu qu'à l'origine de la disparition des 43 camarades de la Normale d'Ayotzinapa on trouve les mêmes causes que celles qui ont forcé des gens à se déplacer en Afrique ou au Moyen-Orient, c'est à dire un système qui nous emprisonne, qui nous maltraite en tant que peuple et en tant que société. Nous sommes venus aussi pour informer la société civile que la demande de présentation en vie des 43 étudiants normaliens d'Ayotzinapa est toujours en vigueur, qu'elle est toujours d'actualité. Nous sommes aussi venus vous dire qu'au Mexique il y a une grave crise des droits de l'homme qui nous a obligé à nous organiser pour trouver des manières de garantir nos propres droits. C'est une responsabilité que nous devons assumer en tant que société face à l'État qui a démontré qu'il répond à des intérêts autres que ceux de garantir le respect des droits de l'homme.

Eleucadio Ortega : Bonsoir, je suis le père de Mauricio Ortega Valerio, étudiant de la Normale d'Ayotzinapa, disparu depuis le 26 septembre 2014. Nous sommes venus pour vous informer de ce qui se passe au Mexique, de la façon d'agir du gouvernement mexicain, comme le 26 et 27 septembre 2014 où 43 normaliens sont disparus. Nous sommes venus dans ce pays pour qu'il fasse pression sur le gouvernement mexicain afin qu'il nous rende nos enfants. Le gouvernement mexicain nous a toujours trompés en nous disant que nos enfants sont morts, qu'ils ont tous été brûlés. Nous pensons qu'ils les retiennent. Le gouvernement veut faire disparaître l'École normale d'Ayotzinapa, c'est pour ça qu'ils les ont enlevés. Mais nous ne croyons pas à ce que dit le gouvernement mexicain parce qu'il n'y a pas de preuve scientifique. L'équipe argentine (d'anthropologie médico-légale) l'a déclaré à la suite des analyses qu'ils ont fait à tous les parents d'étudiants. Même si le gouvernement a essayé de nous faire accepter les corps des 28 fosses qui ont été découvertes autour d'Iguala comme étant les corps des étudiants, d'après les analyses réalisées par les argentins, ce n'est pas vrai ! Le gouvernement mexicain a aussi dit que les 43 ont été incinérés dans la décharge de Cocula et que leurs cendres ont été déversées dans la rivière San Juan. Nous sommes allés, nous tous les parents, pour voir si c'était vrai mais nous avons vu que ce n'était pas possible d'avoir brûlé autant de corps dans l'espace qu'occupe la décharge. C'est pour cela que nous ne croyons plus au gouvernement mexicain, parce ils nous a menti et a décidé de clore l'affaire d'Ayotzinapa. Mais nous resterons en lutte jusqu'à ce que nous retrouvions les 43 étudiants vivants. Ce n'est pas seulement dans l'état de Guerrero qu'on massacre les étudiants mais partout au Mexique. Il n'y a pas de justice pour les étudiants, pour les pauvres. Dans d'autres municipalités où les paysans se font massacrer on ne se plaint jamais parce qu'ils savent que le gouvernement a tout avec lui : l'armée, la police fédérale. C'est pour ça que dans toutes les municipalités du Guerrero les soldats et les policiers fédéraux sont partout, pour intimider les gens, pour qu'ils ne protestent plus. Nous exigeons du gouvernement qu'il retire l'armée, la police fédérale et la gendarmerie, pour nous ils ne servent à rien et nous exigeons que les 43 étudiants d'Ayotzinapa réapparaissent vivants. Le gouvernement mexicain pense qu'il va nous avoir à l'usure et nous diviser mais nous continuerons la lutte jusqu'à ce qu'ils réapparaissent. En plus, actuellement, je n'ai pas pu faire mon travail, mon métier. Je suis caféiculteur, planteur de café, ma production est entreposée chez moi. Qui va me payer mes journées ? … J'accuse le gouvernement, c'est lui le responsable du massacre et de tout ce qui s'est passé. Je remercie tous les collectifs, tous ceux qui sont là pour nous aider et qui continueront à nous aider à retrouver les 43 étudiants vivants. Merci.

Omar García : Bonjour, compañeros, merci d'être là avec nous. L'un des objectifs de cette caravane internationale est de diffuser au maximum. Que tout le monde sache ce qui s'est passé les 26 et 27 septembre. Parceque au sein du mouvement social et dans tous les pays, mais surtout au Mexique, il y a une tendance à oublier avec le temps. C'est la vérité qui tend à disparaître. Cette lutte est devenu aussi une lutte contre l'oubli. Une lutte contre la résignation et contre la réalité que nous ne voulons pas accepter. Voyez, compañeros, nous savons que vous êtes des medias libres et nous apprécions trop le travail des médias libres parce que depuis les 26 et 27 septembre vous nous avez accompagné et aidé à diffuser l'information. Là où beaucoup de médias au Mexique se sont retirés parce qu'il n'y a plus de fait divers, parcequ' il n'y a plus de sang à prendre en photo, les médias libres sont restés à nous côtés. Nous pourrions en donner beaucoup d'exemples ! au Mexique il y a beaucoup de médias libres mais il faut souligner qu'il y a toujours une presse officielle très puissante, des leaders d'opinion qui sont influents et arrivent (et il y sont bien arrivés !) à faire que beaucoup de gens commencent à se désintéresser du mouvement….Des médias qui ont réussi à nous stigmatiser, à faire que l'idée qui criminalise notre mouvement se propage dans la société. Et il a réussi à faire établir au Mexique un climat de répression qui se rapproche. Malgré la menace de répression contre le mouvement d'Ayotzinapa. Tout cela est arrivé à la suite du 27 janvier lors de la dernière conférence de presse du procureur, quand il a dit que nos camarades avaient été incinérés. C'est seulement des médias officiels de la presse internationale qui continue à couvrir le problème. Quel est l'objectif de cette réunion ? Est-ce de donner une conférence de presse traditionnelle où l'on déverse de l'information, ou bien nous voulons quelque chose de plus ? Il est évident que nous voulons quelque chose de plus que de l'information, nous voulons quelque chose de plus que la diffusion de ce que nous disons et faisons…Parce que nous entendons qu'en tant que médias libres vous êtes aussi des médias militants, des médias qui veulent changer les rapports de pouvoir que dominent le monde entier actuellement. Pour ça, nous voulons que vous entendiez que nous nous adressons à des compañeros et compañeras plus qu'à des médias libres, que vous entendiez que nous sommes vos compañeros.

Román Hernández : Principalement nous voulons vous demander votre soutien comme medias libres pour faire savoir que les pères et les mères continuent à chercher leurs enfants bien que le gouvernement mexicain les ait donnés pour morts. Nous voulons aussi que vous nous aidiez à faire savoir qu'il est nécessaire que dans tous les actes officiels du gouvernement mexicain on lui rappelle qu'il nous manque les 43, et que ce n'est pas seulement 43 mais plus de 23000 disparus depuis 2006 et plus de 150000 assassinés en 10 ans. Nous voulons aussi que vous nous aidiez à inviter la société civile à faire pression sur les gouvernements d'Europe et que vous trouviez le moyen pour que ces gouvernements exigent le respect des droits de l'homme avant d'exiger des garanties aux investissement privés étrangers. Nous voulons aussi que vous fassiez savoir à la société civile française que nous respectons ses luttes et ses formes d'organisation. Une des principales demandes, après celle de la présentation « en vie » des 43 compañeros de la Normale d'Ayotzinapa, c'est d'avoir des garanties réelles que cela ne se répétera pas. Nous nous sommes rendus compte que nous ne pouvions pas demander de vraies garanties réelles aux gouvernements ou aux institutions à l'origine même de ces violations graves des droits de l'homme. C'est pour cela que la construction de ces garanties réelles est une tâche très grande pour nous au Mexique, dans le Guerrero, et nous avons besoin de la société civile pour y arriver. Nous entendons que ce sont les mêmes causes qui ont permis ou poussé des milliers de personnes à traverser la Méditerranée. Nous voyons aussi que la brutalité policière est quelque chose que l'on subit autant au Mexique qu'en France. Nous voyons que la lutte contre la spoliation menée par les peuples du Mexique est la même lutte que celle contre la spoliation des peuples de la Palestine et du Kurdistan. Nous voulons donc nous inviter à rester organisés dans vos luttes parce que nous entendons que lutter pour les droits des migrants en Europe c'est lutter pour Ayotzinapa, que lutter contre l'extermination du peuple palestinien et kurde c'est lutter pour Ayotzinapa, que lutter dans vos squats, dans vos centres sociaux c'est lutter pour Ayotzinapa. Nous voulons que vous portiez ce message à la société civile, aux collectifs et aux organisations. Parce que c'est la responsabilité de tous et surtout de la société civile de l'Union européenne de transformer en profondeur les relations sociales qui ont permis autant de violations graves aux droits de l'homme de par le monde. Quelque chose en particulier qui revient à la société française est de faire savoir à Peña Nieto lors de sa visite en juillet prochain qu'il nous manque les 43 et que les décorations que votre président est en train de lui offrir sont là pour lui donner un visage propre, et qu'en conséquence, il sera désigné comme complice. C'est donc cela le message que nous voulons faire passer à la société civile en France et en Europe, c'est pour cela que vous vous demandons votre soutien.

Omar García : nous demandons aux collectifs de créer un réseau international de solidarité pour faire circuler l'information à niveau européen. Ce mouvement a été un facteur d'unité, d'unification. Soudain, des gens qui ne se connaissaient même pas, qui n'avaient même pas participé à une manifestation se retrouvent à y participer. Faisons donc une réalité de ce discours d'unité que nous, les mouvements sociaux, les collectifs, avons toujours utilisé, le moment c'est maintenant. Créons donc ce réseau international de médias libres, d'infos libres pour diffuser non seulement le problème d'Ayotzinapa mais aussi d'autres. Perdons cette habitude de l'expertise que nous avons vue aussi. Nous sommes impitoyables, ça oui, nous disons ce que nous voyons. Et nous voulons que vous soyez impitoyables avec nous, nous voulons savoir si nous commettons des erreurs. Aujourd'hui c'est nous qui avons un grave problème, nous n'avons pas honte de le dire, nous l'assumons ! Parler de disparitions forcées c'est revenir à l'époque des dictatures militaires d'Amérique latine. Nous condamnons la disparition forcée, nous ne sommes pas d'accord pour être l'objet d'une disparition forcée. Les gens doivent être d'accord sur ce point, les Français doivent être d'accord. Peu importe si l'on parle de Français pauvres ou de Français riches, nous voulons qu'ils soient d'accords. Les français se sont opposés à l'occupation nazi, même si nous savons que ce ne sont pas les majorités qui participent aux mouvements sociaux ! Les majorités restent toujours neutres et indifférentes. Au Mexique prédomine un mouvement qui ne fait que confronter, les mouvements ont l'habitude de confronter, pas celle de construire. De là est partie la proposition de boycotter les élections, de les empêcher. Le gouvernement a répondu qu'il va les réaliser par le biais de la présence de l'armée.

Román Hernández : L'une des choses qui ont vu le jour et qui ont été acceptées par la classe politique depuis le 26 septembre c'est la collusion entre le crime organisé et les trois niveaux de gouvernement (municipalité, État fédéral, Gouvernement mexicain). Le mouvement social dans le Guerrero a fait savoir que tant que l'on ne pourrait pas garantir que les partis politiques et les gouvernements n'hébergeaient pas de membres du crime organisé, il n'y aurait pas les conditions pour réaliser des élections. L'analyse faite au Mexique -et particulièrement dans le Guerrero- c'est que : participer dans les prochaines élections équivaut à choisir entre être gouvernés par les Guerriers unis, les Rouges ou un autre cartel. Nous ne disons pas cela à la légère, l'institution qui vient de faire des recherches d'intelligence au Mexique a publié des documents sur « les points chauds » dans le Guerrero, c'est comme ça qu'ils les appellent en termes de sécurité ! Nous avons eu accès à une document du SISEN (Sécurité intérieure), qui est l'institution qui fait de l'investigation, qui fait un travail d'intelligence, et nous avons pu remarquer que 90% des investigations qu'elle réalise sur la situation actuelle dans le Guerrero est dirigé contre les militants, les organisations de la société civile, les défenseurs des droits de l'homme. Seulement 10% de ce rapport est dirigé aux investigations – entre de grands guillemets – sur les maires qui ont des liens avec le crime organisé. Cette institution a des cartes sur les relations sociales de certains membres des organisations sociales, de leurs thèmes de recherche, leurs activités. Tout cela concernant les défenseurs des droits de l'homme. En ce qui concerne les politiciens en lien avec le trafic de drogues, il n'a que leurs noms, leurs partis politiques et le groupe de délinquants auquel ils sont liés. Nous pensons donc que l'État mexicain tolère le crime organisé et qu'il en est complice. C'est pour cela que, en tant que société, nous avons manifesté parce qu'il n'y a pas de conditions pour réaliser ces élections.

Plus d'information : http://ayotzinapaenlutte.blogspot.fr Contacts : cspcl@samizdat.net collectifmexicainparis@gmail.com

AYOTZINAPA ET CEUX D'EN BAS : LE MEME DOULEUR, LA MEME RAGE, LA MEME LUTTE

tags : ayotzinapa, pl-fr,

Rencontre de l'Eurocaravane 43, lundi 4 mai 2015 à la Maison Basque

Paris, 5 mai 2015

Après le succès de la marche du 3 mai, l'Eurocaravane 43 a connu son deuxième événement public à St Ouen (ville de la banlieue nord). Pour cette soirée à la maison basque, Pariseko Eskual Etxea, environ 150 personnes se sont réunies. Cet événement organisé par les différents groupes de la coordination pour Ayotzinapa à Paris a commencé à 18h pour finir vers 23hh30. Nous nous sommes donc donné le temps de nous écouter, de partager et, finalement, même de chanter ! Plus que des analyses théoriques, ce sont les émotions, la détermination et la dignité des protagonistes qui ont nourrit cette soirée. Il est vrai que la rencontre était pour et par ceux d'en bas.

L'évènement s'est ouvert avec la projection d'un documentaire : “La historia de los 43” de TeleSur TV. L'idée était de permettre aux participants, et spécialement à ceux qui connaissaient peu le cas des 43, de mieux comprendre les interventions de la délégation en leur donnant des éléments contextuels ! Plus tard, nous avons projeté une petite vidéo sur la manifestation organisée à Paris à l'occasion des 6 mois de la disparition forcée des étudiants. Cette vidéo fait partie de la campagne lancée pour le retrait de l'invitation faite au président mexicain, Enrique Peña Nieto, comme invité d'honneur de la France lors des célébrations de ce prochain 14 juillet .

Puis les échanges ont commencés. La délégation a donc pris la parole. Don Eleucario en peu de mots sait nous faire entendre son message : « Il n'y a pas de justice pour les pauvres, ni les paysans, ni les étudiants ; il n'y a pas de justice, le gouvernement mexicain fait ce qu'il veut, nous, comme pères de famille, on ne va pas laisser le gouvernement mexicain nous tromper ; maintenant nous exigeons au gouvernement mexicain qu'on nous [les] rendent vivants, nous les voulons vivants ! »

Roman Hernández, du Centre des Droits Humains de la Montagne Tlachinollan (http://www.tlachinollan.org/), nous rappelle ce qu'ils espèrent de cette rencontre : « Nous pouvons nous reconnaître comme participant d'une même lutte... Mais ici nous ne voulons pas que vous veniez nous écouter mais que l'on rencontre la manière d'échanger, de partager des savoirs et des informations […] Et donc, nous sommes venus ici pour voir comment nous allons faire pour rester coordonnés et pour qu'aucune autre lutte reste isolée ».

Les mots prononcés par Omar García, survivant du 26 septembre, sont forts et bien clairs : « Ce qu'ils disent nous importe peu, peu importe si le sujet se politise ou non, nous, nous sommes en train de chercher nos compagnons, et comme l'ont dit les pères de famille, nous irons jusqu'à l'enfer les chercher, nous lèverons chaque pierre, nous chercherons derrière chaque porte, dans chaque cave du pays, dans chaque prison clandestine, dans chaque institution ». Et Omar a répété que c'est grâce à la détermination des parents que la lutte tient jusqu'aujourd'hui : « On a appris à être avec eux, l'école est leur maison, leur foyer, leur quartier général si l'on peut dire ». Et il a avoué : « ce n'est pas facile de voir les parents forts durant la journée et pleurer la nuit ». La force de cette alliance fondatrice paraît indestructible...

Plusieurs groupes et individus prennent la parole à leur tour. Le collectif « Stop le contrôle au faciès » a expliqué son mode d'action et a dénoncé la violence d'un système raciste. Un de ses membres a raconté pourquoi il avait décidé de porter plainte contre le ministère de l'intérieur et a invité la délégation à considérer la possibilité juridique de porter plainte contre l'Etat mexicain pour les crimes sur les étudiants. Le collectif « Urgence, notre police assassine » a ouvert son cœur au travers de la parole de Farid. Farid a partagé les pensées qui l'habitent depuis que son frère a disparu et, plus encore, il nous a fait comprendre que dans le cas des violences politiques ou policières, le deuil est un processus tout à fait particulier, ce qu'il partage avec la délégation : "Quand vous dites que vous êtes prêts à mourir et que vous allez jusqu'au bout, je sais que vous le pensez parce que moi-même, je le pense aussi". La douleur est la même, il n'y avait pas besoin de grandes analyses pour se comprendre. La solidarité de ceux d'en bas était évidente : "Mon frère ils l'ont tué, non pas pour ce qu'il faisait, mais pour ce qu'il était. Au-delà de l'idéologie, moi je voudrais vous remercier parce que vous croyez en votre combat. D'autres n'y croient pas, mais on va réussir à changer le monde. Parce que le monde tel qu'il est, tel qu'on le vit, ce n'est pas dans l'ordre des choses. Encore une fois, je vous remercie et je vous en encourage à continuer parce que la vérité est de notre côté ».

Le collectif « 8 juillet », crée à partir de la mutilation dont fût victime un compagnon, nous a raconté comment il a cheminé et comment il cherche maintenant à ouvrir son champs d'action. Le collectif « Pas de prison pour Gaëtan » a fait un appel à la solidarité et un membre de « Pariseko Eskual Etxea » a pour sa part rappelé combien il était important de développer le réseau de lutte contre la répression au niveau international.

D'autres ont manifesté leur rage face l'impunité qui règne ici et là-bas et nous avons tous exprimé notre solidarité au cri de « Ils les ont pris vivants, vivants nous les voulons ! »

Nous avons compris que nous sommes tous responsables, que nous devons assumer la vérité et résister pour imposer la justice, assurer la dignité et l'intégrité de nous tous. Beaucoup ont trouvé un écho dans leur propre engagement pour construire un monde dans lequel la vie soit respectée. Cette soirée a été riche de cœurs, de cœurs ouverts, plein d'enseignements irrigués d'espoir.

Une phrase de Farid résonne encore et résonnera encore parmi nous. : « Continuez parce qu'un jour ou l'autre vous aurez la vérité... Ils ont peut être pris quelque temps la vérité, mais ils ne l'ont pas volée la vérité, elle est là, elle est quelque part... Ceux qui sont là tout en haut, au dessus, et bien demain les livres d'histoires se rappelleront et les mettront tout en bas. Un jour ou l'autre la vérité sortira, et vous allez les retrouver ! » .

Un grand merci à tous ceux qui ont rendu possible cette rencontre ! Maintenant, reste à faire ce qu'il manque. Et à bientôt donc !